Ratni tenk, koji je tijekom opsade Goraždanske enklave pripadao četničkoj Vojsci Republike Srpske, stoji na svom položaju iznad Goražda. Sa ovog mjesta, sa pogledom na sami centar Bošnjačkog grada Goražda, Srbi su granatirali grad i ubijali Bošnjačke civile – žene, djecu, starije, iznemogle. (Fotografija: Elvis Barukčić, 25 februara 2007).

GORAŽDANI ZABORAVILI SRPSKE ZLOČINE, NISU ZAHVALNI BRANITELJIMA GRADA

Fena — Na današnji dan prije 21 godinu u 7 sati i 45 minuta na Goražde su pale prve granate koje su označile početak agresije na jedini preostali slobodni grad u ovom dijelu BiH. Bio je to početak potpune opsade Goražda, duge 1.336 dana, u kojoj je stradalo više od 4. 000 osoba, uglavnom civila.

Uz državnu himnu i polaganje cvijeća na centralnom spomen obilježju “Goražde grad heroj, svojim braniocima” danas je počelo obilježavanje Dana otpora u Bosanskopodrinjskom kantonu (BPK) Goražde.

Sa sjetom, tugom, alii ponosom, 4. maja 1992. godine, kada su počeli dani herojskog otpora Bosne na Drini, danas su se, nažalost, prisjetili samo rijetki borci, zvaničnici i građani.

“To je bila nepravedna borba između nekoga ko je imao i naoružanje i opremu i nekoga ko je bio bez ikakve šanse da se brani, ali ovaj grad i njegovi branioci su uspjeli ne samo odbraniti Goražde i BIH, već i gole živote”, poručio je Amir Reko, ratni komandant 43. Drinske udarne brigade.

Vremena kada su gotovo goloruki muškarci stali u odbranu svog grada, hrabro se suočivši sa mnogo jačim i nadmoćnijim agresorom, prisjetio se i Nedžib Bašić, bivši pripadnik 1. Drinske udarne brigade, koji je kazao da bi bio najsretniji da je danas na njegovom mjestu legendarni komandant ove brigade rahtmetli Zaim Imamović.

“Naša brigade formirana je 15. maja 1992. godine na Posestri i mala je veliku zonu odgovornosti. Istog dana je iz pravca Foče agresor krenuo prema Goraždu i kolona je zaustavljena na Osanici, a bitka je trajala do 24. maja kada je neprijatelj potisnut i spriječen u svojim namjerama”, prisjetio se Bašić.

On je izrazio žaljenje što je obilježavanju 4. maja prisustvovao veoma mali broj ljudi.

“Tužno je vidjeti ovaj skromni skup sa kojeg poručujem : ‘Da nije bilo nas, ne bi bilo ni vas’”, kazao je Bašić.

Da li Goražde zaboravlja najteži period svoje bliske prošlosti i da li pamti heroje odbrane i žrtve koje je dalo, pitao se i ministar za boračka pitanja BPK Goražde Zijad Briga.

“Danas bi nas trebalo biti na hiljade na ulicama kako bi dostojanstveno obilježili 4. maj 1992. godine kada su za razliku od jutrošnjeg sunca na ovaj grad počele padati granate i kada su pale prve žrtve. Nažalost iz godine u godinu sve nas je manje na ovakvim događajima, što ne bi trebalo biti zbog budućih generacija, ali i zbog poginulih branitelja kojima to dugujemo”, kazao je ministar za boračka pitanja BPK Goražde.

Obilježavanje Dana otpora u BPK Goražde bit će nastavljeno u ponedjeljak, 6.maja, okupljanjem pripadnika ratnih jedinica i historijskim satom o formiranju ratnih brigade i njihovoj ulozi u ratu. Planiran je i obilazak mezarja šehida i poginulih boraca u BPK Goražde i okolnim općinama Republike Srpske.

Troipogodišnja opsada Goražda započeta 4. maja 1992. godine okončana je potpisivanjem Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma.

Dženaza za 11 novo-identifikovanih žrtava Genocida u Vlasenici.

Ukop vlaseničkih žrtava: Meho Sinanović ubijen na 17. rođendan

Iza Mehe Sinanovića, jedne od najmlađih 11 žrtava koje će danas biti ukopane na mezarju Rakita u Vlasenici, nije ostala ni fotografija, a kako su novinaru agencije Anadolija kazali njegovi najbliži, ubijen je na svoj 17. rođendan.

Meho Sinanović – ubijen na 17 rođendan.

Anadolija – Njegov brat Meša Sinanović koji je svom bratu na dženazu došao iz Sjedinjenih Američkih Država (SAD), kazao je kako se porodica Sinanovića razbježala tokom agresije na BiH, te da on svog brata nije vidio od tada. Meša svog brata nije vidio niti je za njega čuo od svoje osme godine.

Kaže kako je dobio informaciju da mu je brat viđen u logoru Batković, da su mu to rekli ljudi koji su bili s njim, ali, kako ističe, nije bilo načina da ga pronađu.

“Meho je ubijen 17. maja, na svoj rođendan. Žalosno je da na svoj rođendan izgubiš svoj život. On je bio sa mlađom sestrom Fatimom, za koju još ne znamo ništa. Nije još uvijek pronađena, a imala je samo 14 godina kada je nestala”, rekao je on.

Molitva za novo-identifikovane Vlaseničke žrtve Genocida u Bosni.

On ističe da je njegov otac Omer Sinanoavić pronađen, te da je ukopan na istom mezarju prošle godine. Kaže kako je, osim dva brata, tokom agresije izgubio cijelu porodicu: sestru, oca i jednog brata, a da mu je majka preminula kasnije od iznemoglosti usljed bježanja od agresora.

Stare majke na ukopu Vlaseničkim žrtvama Genocida nad Bošnjacima.

“Mi smo s majkom otišli u Potočare, a iz Potočara smo kamionima stigli do Tuzle, na Mejdan. Tu smo živjeli neko vrijeme. Sjećam se porodice svoje, ali, opet, toliko ih se i ne sjećam. Brata Mehe se ne sjećam nikako. Nema niko ni slike ni ništa. Iza Mehe nije ostala ni slika. Otac je stalno radio, a mi bili s majkom kući, tako da se i njega slabo sjećam”, ističe on.

Inače, više stotina preživjelih Bošnjaka iz Vlasenice okupili su se danas na mezarju Rakita u Vlasenici na posljednjem ispraćaju 11 identifikovanih tijela Bošnjaka ubijenih 1992. – 1995. godine.

Vlaseničani iz više zemalja svijeta, okupili su se danas u velikom broju na mezarju Rakita kako bi prisustvovali devetoj kolektivnoj dženazi ubijenih Bošnjaka Vlasenice čija su tijela identifikovali preživjeli članovi porodica.

Posmrtni ostaci 11 žrtava prethodno su ekshumirani u masovnim i pojedinačnim grobnicama Pelemiš i Ogradice kod Vlasenice.

Najmalađa žrtva koja će danas biti ukopana je Mevludin Manjić rođen 1977. godine.

Za zločin nad Bošnjacima Vlasenice na 60 godina kazne osuđeni su Dragan Nikolić, Predrag Bastah i Goran Višković.

Tokom agresije na BiH u Vlasenici je ubijeno 2.643 Vlaseničana, a grad je okupiran 21.aprila. 1992. godine.

Ukop novo-identifikovanih žrtava Genocida u Vlasenici.

Smiraj za duše Bošnjačkih žrtava genocidnog masakra u Vlasenici 

Na šehidskom mezarju Rakita u Vlasenici, danas nakon podne-namaza, obavljena je deveta kolektivna dženaza i ukop 11 identifikovanih žrtava ubijenih početkom minulog rata.

Anadolija – Današnju dženazu-namaz predvodio je vojni muftija Ismail ef. Smajlović, a dženaza-namazu prisustvovalo je više stotina građana.

Posmrtni ostaci 11 žrtava prethodno su ekshumirani u masovnim i pojedinačnim grobnicama Pelemiš i Ogradice kod Vlasenice.

Najmlađa žrtva koja je danas ukopana je Mevludin Manjić rođen 1977. godine.

Danas su ukopani: Abid (Alija) Alibašić, Ibrahim (Ibro) Bećirović, Abdulah (Hajrudin) Džodžaljević, Senad (Behadil) Bećirović, Fahir (Suljo) Muminović, Mirsad (Sulejman) Mehremić, Mevludin (Mujo) Manjić, Muhidin (Mujo) Manjić, Nedim (Osman) Šahinpašić, Senahid (Osman) Šahinpašić i Meho (Omer) Sinanović.

Genocid u Bosni: Dženaza za 11 novo-identifikovanih žrtava u Vlasenici.

Za zločin nad Bošnjacima Vlasenice na 60 godina kazne osuđeni su Dragan Nikolić, Predrag Bastah i Goran Višković.

Tokom agresije na BiH u Vlasenici je ubijeno 2.643 Vlaseničana, a grad je okupiran 21. aprila 1992. godine.

U potresnoj ispovijesti, datoj i Udruženju “Žena – žrtva rata”, djevojka koja je u vrijeme kada su se zločinci iživljavali na njoj imala tek 16 godina, spominje i ime vladike Vasilije Kačavende.

Riječ je o djevojci čije svjedočenje o zločinima na području dobojske općine je sastavni dio optužnice protiv Predraga Kujundžića Prede, zloglasnog vođe “Predinih vukova” kojem se trenutno sudi na Sudu BiH.

Vladiku, koji je poznat kao svećenik koji je redovno blagosiljao zločince prije njihovih krvavih pohoda, spominje također u svojim svjedočenjima na desetine silovanih žena i djevojaka s područja dobojske općine, piše sarajevski Dnevni avaz.

- Dobrovoljno dajem izjavu o izvršenom ratnom zločinu nad civilnim stanovništvom na području sela Grapska, općina Doboj. Agresija na BiH me zadesila u selu Grapska, gdje sam živjela u kući sa svojom obitelji – ocem, majkom, dvije sestre i bratom.

Ujutro je došao po mene srpski vojnik, izgledao je visok, oko 2 metra, crn, krupne crne oči, prokrezav, starosne dobi oko 30-35 godina. Kasnije sam saznala da mu je nadimak Golub, mislim da je s Ozrena. Po mene je došao policijskim autom. Odvodi me u Automoto društvo u Doboj. Tamo me je čekao Predrag Kujundžić, rekao mi je da sačekam i da ne razgovaram s bilo kim ako me netko bude nešto pitao. Poslije dolazi s čovjekom kojeg je zvao Kume. Kasnije sam saznala da se taj čovjek zvao S. K. Tada me trpaju u jedno auto i odvoze u Radio Doboj.

Tu su mi dali jedan tekst koji sam morala 2-3 puta pročitati. Uvode me u studio i naređuju mi da čitam u mikrofon, što sam morala i uraditi. Pisalo je kako ja, muslimanka, odričem se svoje vjere, kako su Bošnjaci za rat krivi, kako su srušili džamiju, kako su oružje davali po selu da se ratuje, kako ću primiti srpsku vjeru i novo ime koje će biti kasnije objavljeno. Ja sam to morala pročitati…

Poslije Radio Doboja njih dvojica me odvode u naselje Bare u jednu kuću. Sjećam se samo da, idući iz Doboja, toj se kući dolazi s desne strane. Znam da je u blizini bila benzinska pumpa. Tu me je ponovo silovao Predrag Kujundžić i ovaj S. K. Iživljavali su se nada mnom, tjerali na oralni seks. Zlostavljali su me toliko da sam krvarila iz spolnog organa, usta, nosa, čmara.

Tada me odvoze autom na početak sela Čivčija, izbacili su me iz auta i otjerali da idem kući.

Odvodili su me, dovodili, odvodio me Predrag Kujundžić u rovove na Ozren. Tada mi je dao vojnu maskirnu uniformu koju sam morala obući, na glavu mi natukao crvenu beretku, a na vrat mi je stavio veliki zlatni lančić s krstom. Predrag mi je naredio da ni kad spavam ne smijem skinuti krst. Nedugo nakon toga dao mi je papir na kome je pisalo da su moji roditelji suglasni da njihova maloljetna kćerka prelazi na ime Aleksandra Kujundžić. Nikada me više nitko od četnika nije zvao mojim pravim imenom, nego
Aleksandra ili “robe”.

Deset dana nakon što mi je promijenio ime, odveo me je u Bijeljinu da me krsti. Sjećam se, u to vrijeme oko te crkve bila je skela. Objekat je bio u obnovi ili izgradnji. Tad sam upoznala vladiku Vasilija Kačavendu. Kada je Vasilije došao pred mene, raskopčao je svoje pantalone, izvadio spolni organ i natjerao me da njegov spolni organ stavim u svoja usta, što sam morala i uraditi, a ovo mi je radio u jednoj prostoriji od crkve.

Zatim, Predrag pita Vasilija: “Hoćeš li je sada ili kasnije, kada bude naša”, a Vasilije odgovara: “Neću kasnije, bit će grijeh kada bude naša, ja hoću sada”. Tada me je vladika silovao. Nakon toga su me krstili.

Mene su silovali bezbroj puta, Predrag Kujundžić, njegov brat, Golub, S. K., Vasilije Kačavenda, maltene svi Predini vojnici, a na rovovima tko god je htio, on me je davao. Ni sama više ne znam koliko sam puta silovana, na stotine.

Silovana djevojka, “svjedok 2″ u slučaju “Kujundžić”, završila je potom u Derventi, gdje je ponovo bila silovana, a tjerali su je da radi sve vrste poslova. Tu je i ostala trudna sa V. T., nakon čega je uspjela, na svu sreću, izvršiti abortus, jer V. T. nije “htio ništa balijsko”.

Tek u jesen 1996. godine uspjela je pobjeći od V. T. i na ulici srela ženu koja joj je pomogla. Ona i njen suprug držali su kafić gdje se zaposlila, Uz pomoć radio amatera uspjela je uspostaviti kontakt s majkom, i 2000. napustiti Derventu.

Danas živi u Njemačkoj, gdje je potražila pomoć psihijatra i od tada se nalazi na redovnom liječenju.

Judge Theodor Meron Criticizes Serbian-Organized UN Debate

RFEL/RL (April 4, 2013)– The president of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has criticized a scheduled Serbian-organized UN debate on the tribunal, saying it “poses questions in terms of fundamental respect for the rule of law.”

Judge Theodor Meron said, “It is not a [debate] in which my participation would make any significant contribution to the norms which I hold dear.”

Vuk Jeremic, the Serbian president of the UN General Assembly, scheduled the April 10 debate about the performance of the tribunal after two controversial ICTY acquittals.

The tribunal in November 2012 freed on appeal Croatian Generals Ante Gotovina and Mladen Markac, who had been sentenced to jail for their roles in a 1995 offensive to drive Serbian rebels out of the Krajina region.

Meron, who was speaking at the Brookings Institution in Washington, said, “Acquittals, just as convictions, show the health of the system.”

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Denying Genocide Won’t Promote Reconciliation

Richard Dicker
Director of international justice at Human Rights Watch
Huffington Post
April 9, 2013.

A public debate at the UN on April 10 will serve up a revisionist denial of the worst killings in Europe since the end of World War II: the ethnic slaughter in the former Yugoslavia that horrified the world in the 1990s. While the session’s ostensible purpose is to take “a closer look at the long-term impact of international criminal justice, in particular as it relates to reconciliation…” it is unlikely much thoughtful discussion will occur.

The debate’s convener, Vuk Jeremic, president of the United Nations General Assembly, is former foreign minister of Serbia. Under previous governments, Serbia had taken some significant steps to arrest war crimes suspects and prosecute wartime abuses by Serbian forces in Croatia and Kosovo. Angered by a tribunal appeals decision last November that freed two Croatian generals convicted of crimes against Serbs — admittedly a controversial reversal, Jeremic decided to use his General Assembly authority to organize a “debate” to serve as cover for an auto-da-fe of the tribunal.

One of the event’s reported keynoters will be Tomislav Nikolic, president of Serbia and leader of the Serbian Progressive Party. Nikolic had split from the Serbian Radical Party, whose founder, Vojislav Seselj, is on trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The kind of reconciliation he seeks can be gleaned from his characterization of the mass killing in Srebrenica in July 1995. There in the course of a few days Bosnian Serb forces murdered as many as 8,000 Muslim [Bosniak] men and boys — the worst single act of killing in Europe since the Holocaust. The International Court of Justice and the judges of the Yugoslav tribunal ruled the killings genocide. However, in a June 2012 statement, President Nikolic, while recognizing “grave war crimes,” claimed that “there was no genocide in Srebrenica.”

The Yugoslav war crimes tribunal was established by UN Security Council resolution 827, on May 25, 1993, as the 1990s Balkan Wars spiraled downward into deepening horror. The Security Council, for the first time, determined that mass slaughter and ethnic cleansing amounted to a threat to international security, and the creation of the tribunal proved game-changing.

The Security Council’s act of creation spawned a series of country-specific international tribunals, all born of unspeakable human suffering. Resolution 827 signaled an end to the categorical impunity previously associated with such crimes and jump-started the momentum that led to the establishment of the permanent International Criminal Court.

A year later, following the genocide in Rwanda, the council created a second ad hoc tribunal, mandating it to bring about “national reconciliation” through trials. The ambitious objectives of reconciliation and deterrence became indelibly linked with the tribunals’ work. While well-intended, these far-reaching objectives have proven difficult. Complex criminal trials of military commanders and political leaders have not provided a ready vehicle for the broad goals of reconciliation and quick deterrence. Trials first and foremost involve determining guilt or innocence on a specific number of criminal charges. These proceedings do not provide a comprehensive historical accounting.

The great expectations that grew alongside the tribunals may also be linked to the romanticized conventional understanding of the impact of the Nuremberg trials in post-war Germany. These epochal trials began the process of reconciliation, but this took decades. The international and subsequent German trials forged the core of an irrefutable historical record of responsibility that has made revisionist denials difficult, but it took truth telling, public education, and wrenching soul searching to change attitudes and heal the scars brought about by mass crimes.

The tribunals’ important deterrent function has been frequently cited by diplomats, judicial officials and activists to bolster support for continued trials and funding. In domestic settings, the real prospect of criminal justice does serve as a deterrent, but crimes surely continue. On the highly varied and uneven international landscape, the inevitability of criminal sanction for mass crimes is far less certain. And international justice has been marked by a disturbing double standard — with a buffer of impunity for those in the most powerful governments and those they actively protect elsewhere.

The ICC has had some local deterrent effect, but even the symbolic effect of seeing once seemingly omnipotent accused like Charles Taylor, Slobodan Milosevic, and Uhuru Kenyatta standing in the dock is just beginning to be felt. It will take substantially more trials and convictions for international justice to pack a meaningful deterrent punch.

And yet international trials for the most serious crimes do realize an important inherent good. While not necessarily bringing reconciliation or deterring future crimes in the short term, they can, by honoring victims, rendering justice and imposing punishment on the guilty, demonstrate the rule of law in the communities most affected by the crimes. And these trials signal that impunity for such crimes is ending.

These are some of the issues that should be aired in the General Assembly debate. Even though tomorrow there may be a few constructive offerings, these questions most likely will not be addressed.

The creation of the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal moved the goal posts in enforcing fundamental human rights and the broader efforts toward international justice are rewriting key rules of international relations and diplomacy. Countries with a more constructive agenda need to find a way to debate these and other lessons as we near the 20th anniversary of the Yugoslavia tribunal.

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U.S., others boycott Serbian politician’s ‘unbalanced, inflammatory’ U.N. session

“The United States strongly disagrees with the decision of the president of the General Assembly to hold an unbalanced, inflammatory thematic debate today on the role of international criminal justice in reconciliation and will not participate.”

By Louis Charbonneau
(April 10, 2013)

UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) – The United States boycotted as “inflammatory” a meeting on international justice on Wednesday organized by a Serbian politician who heads the U.N. General Assembly – a session some nations say was intended merely to complain about the treatment of Serbs in war crimes tribunals.

The meeting and panel discussion were set up by former Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic, who is serving as president of the 193-nation assembly. Some U.N. diplomats have privately accused Jeremic of using the General Assembly to promote his own career and his home country.

Jeremic told Reuters in an interview that he considered the event a success, but added it was “regrettable” some important countries like the United States did not participate.

European and other Western nations have said Wednesday’s session on international justice was a thinly veiled attempt to attack the international war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which Serbia has criticized. Jordan and Canada joined the United States in boycotting the debate.

“The United States strongly disagrees with the decision of the president of the General Assembly to hold an unbalanced, inflammatory thematic debate today on the role of international criminal justice in reconciliation and will not participate,” said Erin Pelton, spokeswoman for the U.S. mission to the United Nations.

“We believe that ad hoc international criminal tribunals and other judicial institutions in Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, Sierra Leone and Cambodia have been critical to ending impunity and helping these countries chart a new, more positive future,” Pelton said in a statement.

Pelton added that it was especially problematic that the day’s events “fail to provide the victims of these atrocities an appropriate voice.”

A senior Western diplomat said on condition of anonymity that Jeremic’s decision to organize the meeting on April 10 – the day that Croatia’s Nazi puppet state was established in 1941 – ensured that the “whole event took on a Serbian feel.”

He added that Jeremic had refused to change the date after he was requested to do so by a number of delegations. Jeremic confirmed that to Reuters, but made clear he considered it an appropriate date that called attention to Nazi-era crimes.

‘VERY DELICATE TOPIC’

“This is obviously a very delicate topic, international criminal justice,” Jeremic said, adding it was the first time the General Assembly had debated it. He said about 82 countries either spoke or associated themselves with the position of a regional bloc presented during the debate.

There are “lessons to be learned with the aim of having a more perfect international justice in the future,” he said.

“I find it highly regrettable that some important members of the international community, like the United States, chose not to be a part of the debate,” he said.

Jordan’s U.N. ambassador, Prince Zeid Ra’ad Zeid al-Hussein, told a small group of reporters that Serbia’s approach to the session on international justice was “almost an impeachable offense” – ostensibly referring to Jeremic’s largely ceremonial post as the head of the General Assembly.

Since it was set up in 1993, the war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has indicted 161 people for crimes stemming from the wars that shattered the Yugoslav federation, of whom 15 have been acquitted. Several dozen suspects remain on trial.

Serbia and its ally Russia have sharply criticized the tribunal over recent decisions to free two Croatian generals and a Kosovo Albanian former guerilla commander.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon defended the war crimes tribunals, the International Criminal Court and other methods of ensuring accountability.

“The system of international criminal justice has … given voice to victims and witnesses,” Ban said.

Serbian President Tomislav Nikolic hammered away at the Hague tribunal in a 45-minute speech to the assembly, telling participants that the “prosecution has been favored over the defense” and the court was guilty of the “most flagrant violation of human rights.”

Richard Dicker of Human Rights Watch said Nikolic was well known as a denier of the Srebrenica genocide. More than 8,000 Bosnian Muslim [Bosniak] men and boys were killed in the Bosnian town of Srebrenica in July 1995 by Bosnian Serb forces under the command of Ratko Mladic, who is currently on trial for crimes against humanity and other war crimes.

Jordan, Britain and others complained that the victims of Srebrenica had no voice in Wednesday’s debate.
Croatian Ambassador Ranko Vilovic also criticized the session, saying, “Truth, justice and reconciliation were not the values for which this debate was organized.”

Some diplomats say Jeremic may be jostling to become the next president of Serbia, an allegation he brushed aside in his interview.

Envoys say that if he does not get Serbia’s presidency, he is likely to try to become the next U.N. secretary-general, a position that is expected to be filled by an Eastern European.

U.N. diplomats say Jeremic’s name has been mentioned as a possible candidate to replace Ban after his term ends in December 2016. While Russia would support Jeremic, U.N. diplomats said there were less divisive candidates from Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria and elsewhere.

[Inserted by Bosnian Genocide Blog: According to Evelyn Leopold, veteran journalist reporting from the UN: "Jeremic had been rumored as a future president of Yugoslavia, and even a U.N. secretary-general. But he now can forget any prospect of a top United Nations post as the United States, Britain and others would certainly cast a veto."]

The European Union’s 27 member nations are attending the event but sending junior diplomats.

(Reporting by Louis Charbonneau; Editing by Will Dunham and Peter Cooney)

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US, Canada, Jordan boycott UN meeting on global criminal justice that excluded war victims

United Nations AP (April 10, 2013)– Barred from speaking at a U.N. meeting on international criminal justice, Bosnian activist Munira Subasic, who lost 22 close family members in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, said she felt powerless as she listened to Serbia’s ultranationalist president attack the U.N. war crimes tribunal for former Yugoslavia as politically biased.

Subasic said Wednesday that she believed that Serbian President Tomislav Nikolic was also denying the genocide at Srebrenica by Bosnian Serbs that killed some 8,000 Muslim [Bosniak] men and boys, including her husband and beloved youngest son, Nermin. It was Europe’s worst massacre of civilians since World War II.

As her hurt and anger rose, Subasic said she put on a T-shirt which she had brought as a gift for U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, saying “Srebrenica” on which she had added the words “Justice Is Slow But It’s Reachable.” Next to her, she said, was a banner highlighting the genocide in the Serb-controlled half of Bosnia, Republika Srpska.

“All of a sudden I was surrounded by security … and in a very curt manner they told me that I have to leave the room,” Subasic told reporters.

She blamed U.N. General Assembly President Vuk Jeremic, a former Serb foreign minister, who organized the meeting and had banned her organization, the Mothers of Srebrenica, from making a five-minute statement. His spokesman Nikola Jovanovic said Jeremic has no personal security and doesn’t give instructions to U.N. security and speculated she was removed because of the T-shirt and banner.

Subasic’s expulsion followed a boycott of the meeting by the United States, Canada and Jordan because it didn’t include Bosnia’s war victims and gave Serbian officials a platform to attack the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal instead of focusing on the broader announced theme, the “Role of International Criminal Justice in Reconciliation.”

To protest the victims’ exclusion, Jordan’s U.N. Ambassador Prince Zeid al Hussein and Liechtenstein’s U.N. Ambassador Christian Wenewaser hosted a press conference for the Mothers of Srebrenica and the Association of Witnesses and Survivors of Genocide.

Zeid, who was a U.N. peacekeeper in Bosnia and served from 2002 to 2005 as the first president of the Assembly of States Parties for the International Criminal Court, encouraged other countries in the 193-nation General Assembly to boycott the meeting.

But it was impossible to say whether any did because Jeremic moved the meeting from the main General Assembly chamber, where all countries have nameplates and assigned seats, to a conference room where delegates sit anywhere. Jovanovic said 82 countries made statements.

Zeid expressed “indignation” at the way Jeremic exploited his position and the important theme to provide an opportunity for others to launch “an unmerited attack by the Serb Progressive Party against the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.”

Wenewaser said he and Zeid had urged Jeremic to include the victims, which is especially important because of the U.N. involvement in Bosnia and the failure of U.N. peacekeepers to protect civilians in Srebrenica, and look at the issues “in a comprehensive and in a balanced way” instead of “clearly driving a political agenda.”

“Unfortunately, that has not been possible,” he said.

The ambassadors also tried to get Jeremic to change the April 10 date of the meeting because it is the 71st anniversary of the founding of the pro-Nazi Croatian state, a fact mentioned by Nikolic.

Aware of the controversy, Ban as U.N. chief gave his “full and unequivocal support” to all international tribunals in an opening speech and called on all countries to support and strengthen the system of international criminal justice.

“Supporting the tribunals and courts means respecting — and not calling into question — their independence, impartiality and integrity,” Ban said. “It means implementing their decisions. And it means safeguarding them from those who seek to undermine them for reasons that may have more to do with politics than justice.”

But soon after, Nikolic delivered a lengthy attack on the Yugoslav tribunal, saying it targeted Serbs, overlooked Croats and Bosnians, and made “unjust legal decisions based on untruths and rendered under political pressure.” He also questioned the court’s impartiality and objectivity “when there is a systematic atmosphere of a lynch-mobbing of everything that is Serbian,” and said unlawful arrests, kidnappings and gathering of evidence “are a rule where Serbs are concerned.”

“From the point of view of science and ethics, the Hague trials may be seen on a par with the processes held by the Inquisition,” Nikolic said. “The proceedings against Serbs are motivated by punishment and revenge.”

During the 1990s Balkan wars, Nikolic was deputy leader of the extremist Serbian Radical Party, which was even more hardline than the late strongman Slobodan Milosevic — who plunged the region into its ethnic conflagration. Nikolic was also a disciple of Vojislav Seselj, a firebrand right-wing politician who at the closing session of his war crimes trial at The Hague, Netherlands, last month retold the history of the war from a Serb perspective, claiming that Serbs had been subjected to a “genocide.”

Erin Pelton, spokeswoman for the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, said the United States would not participate in the “unbalanced, inflammatory” meeting which failed to provide victims of atrocities a voice.

Among those invited who declined to attend were David Tolbert, president of the International Center for Transitional Justice; Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch; President of the International Criminal Court Song Sang-Hyun and President of the Assembly of States Parties for the International Criminal Court Tina Intelmann.

At the last minute, a highly controversial panelist was added — Canadian Maj. Gen. Lewis MacKenzie, the first commander of Sector Sarajevo. A Facebook initiative by a Bosnia-based organization called Stop Genocide Denial launched a petition drive asking Ban to boycott the meeting and ban MacKenzie because of serious allegations of misconduct against him “that include alleged visits to a rape camp run by Bosnian Serbs in 1992.”

Subasic also criticized his inclusion, saying girls and women who were raped at the camp still suffer as do the survivors of Srebrenica.

Two months ago, she said, a doctor at a laboratory doing DNA analysis called and told her that they had found remains of her youngest son “that I loved the most” — two bones, one from one grave and another from a grave 25 kilometers (15 1/2 miles) away.

“I didn’t give birth to a son without a head or arms or legs, but now I have to take him out that way,” Subasic said.

She said it was a very sad day coming to the United Nations because the U.N. “did not learn something from the past.”

“I felt the same way I felt in 1995,” Subasic said. “I had rights to nothing. That’s how I felt in the building of the United Nations.”

But on an optimistic note, she said, “I think justice will find a way to conquer the evil.”

That’s the message on the T-shirt which she said she delivered to the secretary-general after she was expelled from the General Assembly meeting.

As a victim of genocide, Subasic said, “I will never forgive. I will never forget.”

She urged the world to make sure that mothers do not suffer the way the mothers of Srebrenica continue to suffer.

Subasic said she would like her granddaughters to have friends that are Serb, Croat, Jewish, Roma or American, and she called on people everywhere “to love others and different people — and not to allow for hatred. I think hatred is the worst thing. I don’t hate anyone.”

Then, she said, “I will lie in peace. I will know that I did something that made a difference in this world.”

Associated Press Writer Aida Cerkez in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, contributed to this story.

_____________________

Bosnian Activist Says UN Meeting Was Biased

Edith M. Lederer
United Nations, AP (April 11, 2013)

Bosnian activist Munira Subasic lost 22 close family members in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of thousands of Muslims by Bosnian Serbs, yet she was barred from speaking at a U.N. meeting where Serbia’s ultranationalist president attacked the international body’s war crimes tribunal for former Yugoslavia which has been prosecuting leaders of the genocide.

A meeting on the subject of international criminal justice and reconciliation called by current U.N. General Assembly President Vuk Jeremic — a former Serbian foreign minister — quickly became a debate Wednesday that focused primarily on the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

Jeremic was accused by human rights groups and some countries of using his position to turn the meeting into a forum for unfair criticism of the tribunal’s work. The United States, Canada and Jordan boycotted the meeting, and Serbian President Tomislav Nikolic’s attack on the tribunal was criticized by the European Union and others who spoke.

The Yugoslav tribunal has held that while atrocities were committed by all sides, genocide was only committed by Bosnian Serbs, including the 1995 massacre of some 8,000 Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica — a perspective that has been criticized by many Serbs. It was Europe’s worst massacre of civilians since World War II. [note: the Serb side was responsible for some 90 percent of all war crimes in Bosnia-Herzegovina]

Since she couldn’t speak, Subasic said she put on a T-shirt she brought as a gift for U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon saying “Srebrenica” when she believed that Nikolic was denying the genocide that had claimed the lives of her husband and beloved youngest son, Nermin. On it, she had added the words “Justice Is Slow But It’s Reachable.” Next to her, she said, was a banner highlighting the genocide in the Serb-controlled half of Bosnia, Republika Srpska.

“All of a sudden I was surrounded by security … and in a very curt manner they told me that I have to leave the room,” Subasic told reporters.

Subasic blamed Jeremic, who had banned her organization, the Mothers of Srebrenica, from making a five-minute statement, for her expulsion. His spokesman Nikola Jovanovic said Jeremic doesn’t give instructions to U.N. security and didn’t seek to remove her.

The U.N. Security and Safety Service said Thursday that Subasic and another activist carried out “a short demonstration” by displaying T-shirts and small placards with anti-Serbian slogans in violation of U.N. rules and were “discreetly” escorted out of the building.

The U.S., Canada and Jordan boycotted the meeting because it didn’t include Bosnia’s war victims and gave Serbian officials a platform to attack the Yugoslav tribunal instead of focusing on the broader announced theme, the “Role of International Criminal Justice in Reconciliation.”

To protest the victims’ exclusion, Jordan’s U.N. Ambassador Prince Zeid al Hussein and Liechtenstein’s U.N. Ambassador Christian Wenewaser hosted a news conference for the Mothers of Srebrenica and the Association of Witnesses and Survivors of Genocide.

Zeid, a U.N. peacekeeper in Bosnia who served from 2002 to 2005 as the first president of the Assembly of States Parties for the International Criminal Court, encouraged other countries in the 193-nation General Assembly to boycott the meeting.

But it was impossible to say whether any did because Jeremic moved the meeting from the main General Assembly chamber, where all countries have nameplates and assigned seats, to a conference room where delegates sit anywhere. Jovanovic said 82 countries made statements, which continued into Thursday.

Zeid expressed “indignation” at the way Jeremic exploited his position and the important theme to provide an opportunity for others to launch “an unmerited attack by the Serb Progressive Party against the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.”

Wenewaser said he and Zeid had urged Jeremic to include the victims, which is especially important because of the U.N. involvement in Bosnia and the failure of U.N. peacekeepers to protect civilians in Srebrenica, and to look at the issues in a comprehensive and balanced way instead of “clearly driving a political agenda.”

“Unfortunately, that has not been possible,” he said.

The ambassadors also tried to get Jeremic to change the April 10 date of the meeting because it is the 71st anniversary of the founding of the pro-Nazi Croatian state, a fact mentioned by Nikolic.

Erin Pelton, spokeswoman for the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, said the United States would not participate in the “unbalanced, inflammatory” meeting which failed to provide victims of atrocities a voice.

Among those invited who declined to attend were Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch; President of the International Criminal Court Song Sang-Hyun and President of the Assembly of States Parties for the International Criminal Court Tina Engelmann.

Aware of the controversy, U.N. chief Ban gave his “full and unequivocal support” to all international tribunals in an opening speech and called on all countries to support and strengthen the system of international criminal justice.

“Supporting the tribunals and courts means respecting — and not calling into question — their independence, impartiality and integrity,” Ban said.

But soon after, Nikolic delivered a lengthy attack on the Yugoslavia tribunal, saying it targeted Serbs, overlooked crimes by Croats and Bosnians, and made “unjust legal decisions based on untruths and rendered under political pressure.”

“From the point of view of science and ethics, the Hague trials may be seen on a par with the processes held by the Inquisition,” Nikolic said. “The proceedings against Serbs are motivated by punishment and revenge.”

During the 1990s Balkan wars, Nikolic was deputy leader of the extremist Serbian Radical Party, which was even more hardline than the late strongman Slobodan Milosevic — who plunged the region into its ethnic conflagration.

Subasic said that two months ago a doctor at a laboratory doing DNA analysis of Srebrenica victims called and told her that they had found remains of her youngest son “that I loved the most” — two bones, one from one grave and another from a grave 25 kilometers (15 1/2 miles) away.

“I didn’t give birth to a son without a head or arms or legs, but now I have to take him out that way,” Subasic said.

She urged the world to make sure that mothers do not suffer the way the mothers of Srebrenica continue to suffer.

Subasic said she will know that she did something that made a difference in the world if her granddaughters and others learn from the past and have friends from different religions, ethnicities and countries.

“I think hatred is the worst thing,” she said. “I don’t hate anyone. I don’t hate even those who perpetrated crimes, and those who killed my family.”

Associated Press Writer Aida Cerkez in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, contributed to this story.

In this screen grab taken from video, provided by the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Veselin Vlahovic, during his sentencing in court, in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Friday, March 29, 2013. A court in Bosnia on Friday convicted a Montenegrin man of multiple counts of murder, torture, rape and looting during Bosnia’s 1992-95 war, and sentenced him to 45 years in prison — the highest sentence ever issued in the country. Judge Zoran Bozic said that Veselin Vlahovic, killed 31 people, raped a number of Bosniak and Croat women and tortured and robbed non-Serb residents of a Sarajevo suburb while fighting for the Bosnian Serbs. Among other crimes, the judge described how Vlahovic cut the throats of two brothers in front of their mother, then killed her and raped the men’s wives. (Photo: Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina)

Veselin “Batko” Vlahovic has been jailed for 45 years for inflicting a reign of terror on Sarajevo civilians while fighting for Serbs. Vlahovic was the commander of a paramilitary unit that went from house to house looking for Muslims and Catholics, then looted their homes, tortured and often killed entire families.

Veselin Vlahovic ‘Batko’ in custody.

Bosnian Serbs, backed by the Serb-led Yugoslav army, launched an “ethnic cleansing” campaign in April 1992 in which thousands of Bosniaks and Croats were killed, held captive or driven from their homes. Within months Serb forces had captured almost three-quarters of Bosnia and encircled its capital Sarajevo, where more than 10,000 people died in a 3-1/2-year siege.

“During systematic repression against the non-Serb population he participated in expulsion of his victims, he committed murders, he tortured, raped and imprisoned his victims,” judge Zoran Bozic said at the sentencing in a packed Sarajevo courtroom.

Veselin Batko Vlahovic

The sentence against Vlahovic is the most severe delivered for war crimes by a Bosnian court. Prosecutors compiled a 66-count indictment against Vlahovic, the most extensive ever for crimes committed in the 1992-95 Bosnian war. He was sentenced on 60 counts in his indictment, committed the crimes between May and July 1992, in three Sarajevo neighbourhoods controlled by Serb forces during the war – Grbavica, Kovacici and Vraca.

The 44-year old Vlahovic, a Montenegrin dubbed the “Monster of Grbavica” and “Master of Life and Death”, carried out “horrid, cruel and manifold criminal acts”, Bozic said.

Veselin Batko Vlahovic

Bozic said Vlahovic, a member of paramilitary group White Angels, which was allied to the Bosnian Serb army, often demanded ransoms of money or gold for his captives.

“Victims who could not pay for their lives would be typically taken to a recognisable location on Trebevic hill and shot in the head,” Bozic added.

“In June 1992, he forced 13 members of the Pecar family out of their home and ordered three male relatives to run across a front line street planted with mines,” he said.

He then ordered his soldiers to open fire knowing the act would provoke a return of fire from the combat lines. One woman died and three, including a minor girl, were wounded and left on the street.

Veselin Batko Vlahovic

“It was a typical pattern (of his) behaviour. Those who had nothing to offer in turn for their lives were typically killed by a shot in the forehead, mouth or temporal bone, according to forensic accounts,” said Bozic.

In some cases Vlahovic asked victims to kiss the hand that was beating them. He took one man to a house and ordered him to have sex with the body of a woman whose throat had been cut, the judge said.

He also described how Vlahovic raped a woman who was seven months pregnant in front of her young daughter in their Grbavica apartment, and in another incident raped a woman and then forced her to watch him rape her mother.

Veselin Vlahovic ‘Batko’

Vlahovic, dressed in a light blue shirt, showed no emotion throughout the proceedings, even when the verdict drew loud applause from members of victims’ associations in the heavily packed courtroom.

“He killed 31 people, took 14 people who have still been considered missing, raped 13 women,” prosecutor Behaija Krnjic said in a closing statement, having said earlier in the trial that Vlahovic’s “name was the synonym for evil”.

Among other crimes, the judge described how Vlahovic cut the throats of two brothers in front of their mother, then killed her and raped the men’s wives.

Vlahovic, who had pleaded not guilty at the start of the trial in April 2011, was charged with the “executions, enslavement, rape, physical and psychological torture” of Bosniak and Croat civilians, as well as looting, according to the indictment.

Batko (Monster of Grbavica)

Calling for Vlahovic to be jailed for 45 years, Ms Krnjic said: “Such a sentence would be the most just, but even that one will still be insufficient to heal the suffering of the victims.”

A total of 112 prosecution witnesses were heard at the trial, including a number of women who testified behind closed doors to having been raped by Vlahovic, according to Ms Krnjic.

“Vlahovic was not even bothered with the fact that one of his victims was highly pregnant at the time of the rape,” the prosecutor said.

Special agents of the State Investigation and Protection Agency (SIPA) of Bosnia-Herzegovina monitor Veselin ‘Batko’ Vlahovic upon arrival to Sarajevo prison in 2010.

During the trial Vlahovic insulted a witness, a local journalist who reported on his crimes during the war. He also sent an intimidating letter to the family of a victim, the prosecution said.

Bakira Hasecic, the head of an association of victims of wartime rape, said the sentence was the best satisfaction that has so far come out of Bosnia’s war crimes court, but added that Vlahovic was such a monster that even the maximum sentence was not enough for him.

Vlahovic fled to neighboring Serbia and Montenegro after the war. He was jailed in Montenegro for armed robbery but escaped from prison. Spanish police then found him in 2010 living in the town of Altea.

Veselin Vlahovic in Sarajevo prison after Spain extradition in 2010.

He was extradited to Bosnia the same year although he is also wanted in Spain for robbery and assault with a firearm.

The war crimes department of the Bosnian State Court was established in 2005 to take some of the burden from the overcrowded U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia, based in The Hague.

Foreign and domestic judges and prosecutors have processed about 100 cases of war crimes, including genocide, in accordance with international standards and under the monitoring of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Source: Agencies

Veselin Vlahovic in Sarajevo prison after Spain extradition in 2010.

“Čuvajte i očuvajte svoju naciju i ime BOŠNJAK, vjeru i tradiciju. Gubitak identiteta plaća se ropstvom i poniženjem.”

Alija Izetbegović
Govor u sarajevskoj zetri, 2.10.2002.

Forensic anthropologists Ewa Klonowski (right) and Piotr Drukier examine the partially preserved hands of a teenage Bosniak boy found in a Srebrenica mass grave. In July 1995, Serb forces overran the UN-protected ‘safe haven’ of Srebrenica and summarily executed 8,000 Bosniak men and boys. Photo Credits: Sara Terry.

SURVIVORS ↓

A 11 July 1995 file photo shows an elderly Bosniak woman and her husband getting treatment for injuries inflicted on them by Serb military forces as they fled Srebrenica after it was overrun by Bosnian Serb forces. The man on the right died shortly after the picture was taken. During the Srebrenica genocide, Serb forces rounded up and killed 8,000 Bosniak men and boys, and expelled thousands of women after abusing and raping many of them. Source: (Getty Images)

BACKGROUND (SIEGE OF SREBRENICA): More than three years before the 1995 Srebrenica genocide, Bosnian Serb nationalists – with the logistical, moral and financial support of Serbia and the Yugoslav People’s Army – destroyed 296 predominantly Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) villages in the region around Srebrenica [in Eastern Bosnia], forcibly uprooting some 70,000 Bosniaks from their homes and systematically massacring at least 3,166 Bosniaks (documented deaths) including many women, children and the elderly. It was these massacres that should have alerted the international community to the prospect of genocide when the United Nations-protected enclave eventually fell to Bosnian Serb forces commanded by General Ratko Mladic three years later, in July 1995. (Excerpt from ‘Prelude to Srebrenica’ by Daniel Toljaga, Bosnian Institute, UK.)

According to the trial judgment of Naser Orić, during the Siege of Srebrenica,

“Between April 1992 and March 1993, Srebrenica town and the villages in the area held by Bosnian Muslims were constantly subjected to Serb military assaults, including artillery attacks, sniper fire, as well as occasional bombing from aircrafts.

Each onslaught followed a similar pattern. Serb soldiers and paramilitaries surrounded a Bosnian Muslim village or hamlet, called upon the population to surrender their weapons, and then began with indiscriminate shelling and shooting. In most cases, they then entered the village or hamlet, expelled or killed the population, who offered no significant resistance, and destroyed their homes.

During this period, Srebrenica was subjected to indiscriminate shelling from all directions on a daily basis. Potočari in particular was a daily target for Serb artillery and infantry because it was a sensitive point in the defence line around Srebrenica. Other Bosnian Muslim settlements were routinely attacked as well. All this resulted in a great number of refugees and casualties.”

FACTS ABOUT SREBRENICA

The International Criminal Tribunal
Outreach Programme

There is a multitude of evidence publicly available that proves that Bosnian Serb and other forces executed 7,000 to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim prisoners from Srebrenica in one week in July 1995. Despite this, there are still many people in Serbia and Montenegro who try to deny the full enormity of the crime that Bosnian Serb military, police and other forces (including, allegedly, forces from Serbia) committed. They argue that the actual number of dead is exaggerated, that ‘only’ around 2,000 died. They also argue that most of these 2,000 dead were casualties of war—Bosnian Muslim soldiers killed in battle. Some who are even bolder, claim that it was a ‘crime of passion’—revenge for all those Serbs killed in the villages around Srebrenica. Still others claim that what happened at Srebrenica was not genocide. The Tribunal has proved beyond a reasonable doubt that each of these claims is wrong.

The massacre that occurred in Srebrenica in July 1995 was the single worst atrocity committed in the former Yugoslavia during the wars of the 1990s and the worst massacre that occurred in Europe since the months after World War II. This is why the ICTY, which was established in 1993 to try those most responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the former Yugoslavia since 1991,(2) has invested a great deal of time and effort in investigating what happened in Srebrenica and bringing those responsible to justice. The ICTY has issued indictments against 19 individuals for crimes committed in Srebrenica, all but one of which are against high-level perpetrators—those who planned and ordered the killing operation. So far, the Tribunal has completed trials and appeals against three accused:

General Radislav Krstić, commander of the Republika Srpska Army (VRS) Drina Corps, Dražen Erdemović, a VRS soldier with the 10th Sabotage Detachment and Dragan Obrenović, deputy commander of the VRS Zvornik Brigade. Erdemović and Obrenović admitted their participation in the Srebrenica killings. The facts about Srebrenica contained in the judgements against Krstić,(3) Erdemović(4) and Obrenović(5) have been established beyond a reasonable doubt.(6)

In particular, in its proceedings against these three accused, the Tribunal has found beyond a reasonable doubt that Bosnian Serb and other forces killed between 7,000 and 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys between approximately 11 and 19 July 1995. The Tribunal has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the vast majority of those killed were not killed in combat, but were victims of executions. The Tribunal has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the killings did not occur in a moment of passion, but were the product of a well-planned and coordinated operation. Finally, the Tribunal has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the killing of 7,000 to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim prisoners was genocide.

In particular, in its proceedings against these three accused, the Tribunal has found beyond a reasonable doubt that Bosnian Serb and other forces killed between 7,000 and 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys between approximately 11 and 19 July 1995. The Tribunal has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the vast majority of those killed were not killed in combat, but were victims of executions. The Tribunal has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the killings did not occur in a moment of passion, but were the product of a well-planned and coordinated operation. Finally, the Tribunal has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the killing of 7,000 to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim prisoners was genocide.

The Number of Dead
The Tribunal has determined that the number of Bosnian men and boys killed in Srebrenica is between 7,000 and 8,000. In order to come to this conclusion, the Judges in the Krstić case accepted and reviewed a great deal of evidentiary material.

Exhumations
Among the evidence that the Judges used to establish the number of people the Bosnian Serbs killed was that from the mass graves where the victims were buried. The Chamber reviewed evidence from 21 mass graves that had been exhumed by the ICTY from 1996 to 2000.(7) Of these, 14 were “primary gravesites”, where the victims’ bodies had been buried immediately after they were killed. Bosnian Serb forces subsequently disturbed eight of these primary gravesites in an attempt to cover up their crimes: during a period of several weeks in September and October 1995, they removed bodies from the primary graves and reburied them in other locations that are referred to as “secondary gravesites.” Seven of the 21 mass graves were such “secondary” burial sites.

Determining the exact number of bodies in each of the mass graves was a very difficult task, which was complicated by the fact that Bosnian Serb forces mutilated and dismembered many of the remains when they used heavy machinery to exhume and rebury them.(8) Thus body parts from the same person could be found in two separate mass graves—a primary and a secondary one.

Nevertheless, the forensic experts were able to determine the minimum number of bodies contained in all the discovered graves. That number was 2,028 victims.(9) At the time the judges in the Krstić trial issued their Judgement in August 2001, they noted that the Prosecution had identified 18 other mass graves that had not yet been exhumed.(10) In other words, the Judges recognized at that time that 2,028 exhumed bodies do not represent the sum total of the Bosnian Muslim men and boys killed at Srebrenica.

Demographic Expert
The Trial Chamber in the Krstić case heard evidence from a demographics expert whose task it was to determine the number of people who have been reported as missing from Srebrenica. The demographics expert cross-referenced the list of missing persons of the International Committee of the Red Cross with other sources, including lists of those who were missing or killed before July 1995, and other data that shows who was alive after. In this way, he was able to make sure that his figures could only refer to those who were missing as a result of the massacres at Srebrenica in July 1995. Based on this research, he testified that a conservative estimate of the number of people missing from Srebrenica is 7,475.(11)

Intercepts
The Trial Chamber in the Krstić case heard evidence of intercepted conversations between VRS soldiers, including the accused, which corroborates the fact that Bosnian Serb forces killed between 7,000 to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim prisoners.

As has become standard practice in modern warfare, both the VRS and the Bosnian Army (ABiH) monitored enemy communications. The VRS had secure means of communication, but they did not always work and took longer to set up, so the officers often used unsecured lines because they were quicker. Intelligence officers from the ABiH intercepted conversations over such lines and transcribed them. These recordings were then submitted to the Tribunal’s Office of the Prosecutor.(12)

Determining the authenticity and reliability of such intercepts is a long and detailed process:

The Trial Chamber heard direct evidence from the Bosnian Army personnel who were transcribing the conversations. It also heard about the Prosecution’s efforts to determine whether the transcripts were reliable and genuine, including their efforts to find evidence from other sources to corroborate the information from the transcripts.(13) As a result, not all the intercepts could be admitted as evidence, but those that were showed a conclusive story. Of the intercepts that were admitted as evidence in the Krstić case, the Trial Chamber found the following to be particularly significant in determining the number of Bosnian Muslims the Bosnian Serb forces took prisoner and killed:

• One intercepted telephone conversation from 1730 hours on 13 July 1995 shows that in that moment the Bosnian Serb forces had captured around 6,000 people.(14) Consistent with this, around 14 July Colonel Radislav Janković, from the VRS General Staff, told a Dutch battalion soldier that they had captured around 6,000 POWs.(15)
• On 18 July 1995, an unidentified Bosnian Serb stated in an intercepted conversation that of the 10,000 military aged men who were in Srebrenica, “4,000-5,000 have certainly kicked the bucket.”(16)
• The Trial Chamber also had an intercepted conversation between General Krstić and ICTY accused VRS Colonel Ljubiša Beara at 1000 hours on 15 July 1995, the middle of the killing operation. In it, Beara asks Krstić for more men. He states “I don’t know what to do. I mean it, Krle [Krstić’s nickname]. There are still 3,500 “parcels” that I have to distribute and I have no solution.” Krstić replies, “Fuck it, I’ll see what I can do.” From other intercepted telephone conversations, the Prosecution was able to show that the word “parcel” means Bosnian Muslim prisoner, and the word “distribute” means to kill them.(17)

The intercept evidence corroborates the findings of the demographic expert and the exhumation evidence that shows that Bosnian Serb forces took prisoner and killed many thousands of Bosnian Muslim men and boys, and not just 2,000 as some people in Serbia and Montenegro claim.

Insider Witnesses
Perhaps the most compelling evidence that the Tribunal has heard that proves that Bosnian Serb forces killed 7,000 to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men comes from the people who actually participated in the killing operation. In the Krstić trial, the Trial Chamber heard from Dražen Erdemović, a VRS soldier with the 10th Sabotage Detachment, who participated in one of the largest executions, which took place at the Branjevo Military Farm on 16 July 1995. Erdemović pleaded guilty to participating in these executions and later testified in the case against General Krstić.(18) Dražen Erdemović’s description of how his unit killed their victims assists in getting an idea of how many people lost their lives during those five days in July.

In his testimony, Erdemović explained that his unit received orders on the morning of 16 July 1995 to go to the Branjevo Military farm. Shortly after they reached the farm, buses carrying Bosnian Muslim men began to arrive. Erdemović and the other members of his unit were given orders to shoot the prisoners. Erdemović testified that, in his estimate, they killed between 1,000 and 1,200 Bosnian Muslim men on that day alone.(19) And the Branjevo Military Farm was not the only site at which executions took place: the Trial Chamber examined evidence of mass executions at a total of nine sites, including the Branjevo Military Farm.

(a) The Morning of 13 July 1995: Jadar River
(b) The Afternoon of 13 July 1995: Čerska Valley
(c) Late Afternoon of 13 July 1995: Kravica Warehouse
(d) 13-14 July 1995: Tišća
(e) 14 July 1995: Grbavci School Detention site and Orahovac Execution site
(f) 14-15 July 1995: Petkovci School Detention Site and Petkovci Dam Execution Site
(g) 14-16 July 1995: Pilica School Detention Site and Branjevo Military Farm Execution Site
(h) 16 July 1995: Pilica Cultural Dom
(i) 14-17 July 1995: Kozluk

All of this evidence points in no uncertain terms to the accuracy of the estimate that between 7,000 and 8,000 people were executed in Srebrenica in July 1995.

The Victims Were Not Battle Casualties
In Republika Srpska and Serbia one does not only hear that the number of dead was much lower than 7,000 to 8,000. One also hears that the victims were not civilians or prisoners of war, but rather soldiers who died in battle. Therefore, according to them, VRS forces were abiding by the laws of war and no crime was committed at Srebrenica.

Evidence from the exhumations that the Trial Chamber reviewed in the Krstić case paints quite a different picture. It shows that most of the victims were not killed in combat but in mass executions. In the mass graves that have been exhumed so far, Tribunal investigators found 448 blindfolds on or with the victims’ bodies as well as 423 pieces of cloth, string or wire that were used to tie the victims’ hands.(20) People who were blindfolded or had their hands tied behind their backs were obviously not killed in combat. The Trial Chamber also noted that some of the victims in the mass graves were handicapped, and therefore, very unlikely to have been combatants.(21)

Here, again, the testimony of the perpetrators is very important. Momir Nikolić, VRS Deputy commander for Security and Intelligence, said clearly that the VRS did not treat the prisoners they captured according to the Geneva Conventions:

Do you really think that in an operation where 7.000 people were set aside, captured, and killed that somebody was adhering to the Geneva Conventions? Do you really believe that somebody adhered to the law, rules and regulations in an operation where so many were killed? First of all, they were captured, killed, and then buried, exhumed once again, buried again. Can you conceive of that, that somebody in an operation of that kind adhered to the Geneva Conventions? Nobody … adhered to the Geneva Conventions or the rules and regulations. Because had they, then the consequences of that particular operation would not have been a total of 7.000 people dead.(22)

Dragan Obrenović, who was the commander of the VRS Zvornik Brigade at the time and who confessed to his participation in the massacres, stated clearly that on 13 July 1995 he became aware of the fact that Bosnian Serb forces captured thousands of Bosnian Muslim prisoners and that the prisoners were to be shot.(23)

Testifying about his role in the Branjevo Military Farm executions, Dražen Erdemović stated that buses carrying Bosnian Muslim prisoners began arriving there on the morning of 16 July 1995. He stated that all but one of the prisoners wore civilian clothes. He also testified that some of them were blindfolded and had their hands tied. He described how his unit shot the victims. He stated that, except for one prisoner who tried to escape, none resisted before being shot.(24)

Testimony from the few victims who survived the executions also clearly shows that VRS forces were callously killing civilians or prisoners of war, in serious violation of international humanitarian law. One of the survivors of the Branjevo Military Farm executions, described above, related the moment when he was confronted by the firing squad:

When they opened fire, I threw myself on the ground…. And one man fell on my head. I think that he was killed on the spot. And I could feel the hot blood pouring over me… I could hear one man crying for help. He was begging them to kill him. And they simply said “Let him suffer. We’ll kill him later.”(25)

Lastly, killing an enemy soldier in combat is not a war crime. If those buried in the mass graves had indeed been soldiers killed in battle, there would have been no need for Bosnian Serb forces to execute a massive cover-up campaign.(26) And there is much evidence that proves that is exactly what they did in September and October of 1995. In order to cover up their initial crimes of killing civilians and prisoners of war, the Bosnian Serb forces committed another crime—they attempted to relocate the bodies. They used bulldozers and other heavy machinery to exhume a number of the mass gravesites and move the bodies to other locations. The Prosecution conducted forensic analysis of the 21 mass graves that it exhumed and found that some of the primary and secondary sites were linked. Forensic experts analyzed the soil, bullets and other materials found in the sites they exhumed and found that 12 of them were linked to each other.(27) The Trial Chamber in the Krstić case found that this evidence demonstrates an extensive campaign to conceal the bodies of the men who the Bosnian Serb forces killed and buried in mass gravesites in July 1995. This cover-up attempt shows not only that Bosnian Serb forces committed horrible crimes, but also that they were well aware that what they had done was against the law.

A Planned Killing Operation
Perhaps the most perfidious claim that one hears in Republika Srpska and Serbia is that Bosnian Serb forces killed the Bosnian Muslim prisoners from Srebrenica in revenge. It is claimed that Bosnian Serbs who perpetrated the massacre were upset by the crimes Bosnian Muslim forces committed against Serbs in the villages around Srebrenica,(28) and acted in the heat of passion, as if that would justify killing thousands of Bosnian Muslim prisoners. Revenge is not a defence under international law, which is clear to any army soldier and certainly experienced officers. It is a barbaric concept, and the law exists precisely to prevent it. Those who act out of revenge, or call on it in order to justify crimes, are dealing a blow to the rule of law, and thus to civilization itself. Nor can revenge morally justify killing 7,000 to 8,000 people simply because they share the same ethnicity as others who perpetrated crimes: one crime can never justify another.

Proceedings before the Tribunal have proven beyond a reasonable doubt that Srebrenica was a planned killing operation, and not an act of revenge by emotionally agitated Bosnian Serb soldiers. It is impossible to kill 7,000 to 8,000 people in the space of one week without methodical planning and substantial resources. Soldiers have to be mobilized to guard the prisoners, to move them from holding locations to execution sites, and to shoot them. Multiple locations to hold the prisoners and to execute them need to be identified and secured. Thousands of rounds of ammunition to shoot the prisoners need to be supplied. Numerous vehicles and hundreds of litres of fuel need to be commandeered to move the prisoners. A number of bulldozers and excavators need to be commissioned to dig their graves. During a state of war mobilizing such resources cannot be done at the whim of a few crazy soldiers. It needs to be ordered and authorized by commanders at high-levels.

In the Krstić case, the Trial Chamber heard a lot of evidence that demonstrated clearly that the Bosnian Serb army mobilized resources between 11 and 19 July 1995 in order to kill Bosnian Muslim prisoners.

• Mobilizing men: In the intercepted telephone conversation between General Krstić and ICTY accused VRS Colonel Ljubiša Beara at 1000 hours on 15 July 1995, referred to above,(29) Beara asks Krstić for men to help with the executions. Krstić actually did what Beara asked him to do: the very next day, 16 July 1995, men from the VRS Bratunac Brigade arrived to assist members of the 10th Sabotage Detachment with the executions at the Branjevo Military Farm.(30)

• Mobilizing fuel: Another intercepted conversation shows that on 16 July 1995 VRS Colonel Popović made a request for 500 litres of diesel fuel. A VRS Zvornik Brigade document confirms that 500 litres of diesel fuel was in fact given to Colonel Popović on
16 July 1995.(31)

• Mobilizing machinery: One victim of the Branjevo Military Farm executions on 16 July 1995 who survived testified that he heard heavy machinery in the killing field on 17 July.(32) Aerial photographs of the area taken on 17 July 1995 show a large number of bodies lying in the field near the farm, and an excavator digging a hole.(33) Corroborating the witness’ testimony and the aerial photographs, VRS Zvornik Brigade vehicle records show an ULT 220 bulldozer in operation at Branjevo for eight-and-a-half hours on 17 July 1995, and the Fuel Dispersal Log shows that 100 litres of diesel fuel was disbursed to a BGH-700 excavator on 17 July 1995.(34)

Most importantly, when referring to his own responsibility for the crimes, Dragan Obrenović acknowledged that the VRS had a plan to kill the Bosnian Muslim prisoners. He stated that he became aware of the fact that Bosnian Serb forces captured thousands of Bosnian Muslim prisoners and that they were to be killed on 13 July 1995 during a conversation with ICTY indictee Drago Nikolić, who was Chief of Security of the VRS First Light Infantry Brigade at the
time. Nikolić told Obrenović that the prisoners were to be brought to Zvornik to be shot. Nikolić also told him that the order came from ICTY indictee Ratko Mladić, Chief of the VRS General Staff, and that everyone knew about it, including Obrenović’s commanding officer, ICTY indictee Vinko Pandurević, for whom he was standing in.(35) He also stated the following:

…I was in Command of the Zvornik Brigade during the absence of my Commander, Vinko Pandurević, until his return at about midday on 15th July. On hearing of this plan [emphasis added] to kill the prisoners I, as acting Commander, took responsibility for the plan and supported the implementation of this plan.(36)

As is clear from the above, the Tribunal’s proceedings in relation to Srebrenica have established beyond a reasonable doubt that the massacre there was a carefully planned and coordinated operation.

Srebrenica Was an Act of Genocide
Another objection that we hear frequently in Serbia and Montenegro is that what happened at Srebrenica is not genocide. General Krstić’s Defence made precisely this claim during his trial. But before discussing the Defence’s reasoning and why the Trial Chamber rejected it, it is first important to look at the legal definition of genocide, since the term is quite often misused. The Tribunal’s Statute defines genocide as:

- any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

• (a) killing members of the group;
• (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
• (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring
• about its physical destruction in whole in part;
• (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
• (e) forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

General Krstić’s Defence did not challenge the fact that Bosnian Serb forces killed a significant number of Bosnian Muslim men, but disagreed that it constitutes genocide. The Defence argued that killing up to 7,500 Bosnian Muslims does not constitute a substantial part of the Bosnian Muslim group, which numbers about 1.4 million people, or even a substantial part of the 40,000 Bosnian Muslims of Srebrenica. The Defence also argued that Bosnian Serb forces did not kill the women, children and elderly, which it could have, unlike in other genocides in history. It further argued that had it intended to destroy the Bosnian Muslims as a group, it would also have killed the Bosnian Muslims of Žepa.(37)

The Trial Chamber found that the evidence disproved the Defence’s claims. Bosnian Serb forces systematically massacred between 7,000 and 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men from Srebrenica during a period of no more than seven days. At the same time, they forcibly transferred the rest of the Bosnian Muslim population from Srebrenica, some 25,000 people. The Trial Chamber stated that it could not have escaped the Bosnian Serb forces that killing two or three generations of men would have a lasting and devastating impact on the survival of the Bosnian Muslim community from Srebrenica. Bosnian Serb forces knew that killing the men, and forcibly transferring the women, children and elderly would inevitably result in the physical disappearance of the Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica. The Trial Chamber pointed out that their intent to destroy the Bosnian Muslims of Srebrenica can also be seen in the fact that they destroyed Bosnian Muslim homes and the principal mosque in Srebrenica. In short, the evidence proved beyond a reasonable doubt that Bosnian Serb forces intended to kill the Bosnian Muslim men of military age in order to destroy the community of Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica.(38) The Tribunal’s Appeals Chamber confirmed the Trial Chamber’s findings on this point and affirmed that what happened at Srebrenica was an act of genocide.(39)

Conclusion
Evidence from exhumations, demographic experts, intercepted communications, documents, victim testimony and perpetrator testimony led the Trial Chamber to the following irrefutable conclusions: that Bosnian Serb forces killed between 7,000 and 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys in July 1995; that the victims were either civilians or prisoners of war; that the massacre and the subsequent cover-up operation were planned and well-organised; and that it was an act of genocide. It is worthy of note that since the Judgement against General Radislav Krstić was handed down in August 2001, more evidence has emerged that affirms the Tribunal’s findings. Among them is the Report of the Republika Srpska Commission to Investigate Events in and around Srebrenica from 10 to 19 July 1995. The Commission’s report, which identifies 32 new mass graves, found that “in the period between 10–19 July 1995 many thousands of Bosnians were liquidated, in a manner that constitutes a serious violation of international humanitarian law.”(40)

References / Footnotes:
http://www.icty.org/x/file/Outreach/view_from_hague/jit_srebrenica_en.pdf

Muslim Bosniak woman Nusreta Sivac is seen during the interview with The Associated Press in Sanski Most, 260 kms west of Sarajevo on Tuesday, March 5, 2013. Sivac, a former judge, was one of thousands of women who were raped during Bosnia’s 1992-95 war, as part of a systematic Bosnian Serb rape campaign. After the war, Sivac begun collecting testimonies of other rape victims with a view to making a UN war crimes court in The Hague recognize it as a war crime. Today, largely because of Sivac, people are regularly prosecuted for wartime sexual violence. According to the UN, between 20,000 to 50,000 Bosniak women were raped , many in special rape camps , during the war that was fought between the new country’s Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks. Photo by Amel Emric.

By AIDA CERKEZ (AP)

PRIJEDOR, BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA — There were days when she prayed for a bullet to end her suffering. When she thought she was dying of a heart attack, she whispered “Thank you God.”

A young judge, Nusreta Sivac was one of 37 women raped by guards at a concentration camp in Bosnia. They never discussed the nightly traumas – their pained glances were enough to communicate their suffering. She also witnessed murder and torture by Bosnian Serb guards – and was forced to clean blood from walls and floors of the interrogation room.

She told herself to memorize the names and faces of the tormentors so that one day she might bring them to justice.

Today, it’s partly thanks to Sivac’s efforts to gather testimony from women across Bosnia that rape has been categorized as a war crime under international law. Thirty people have been convicted at the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague and another 30 cases are ongoing. She personally helped put the man who raped her repeatedly during her two months in captivity behind bars.

“Most of the strength I took from the idea that one day this evil would be over,” she told The Associated Press this week ahead of International Women’s Day on Friday.

The U.N. Special Representative on sexual violence in conflict said Sivac and other victims are helping to make sure wartime rapists pay for their crimes.

“The courage these women have shown coming forward and sharing their stories demonstrates the need to break the silence and stigma surrounding sexual violence in conflict,” said Zainab Hawa Bangura. “These survivors are helping to end impunity by making sure perpetrators are brought to justice.”

Muslim Bosniak woman Nusreta Sivac poses for photo in a war-destroyed house in Sanski Most, 260 kms west of Sarajevo on Tuesday, March 5, 2013. Sivac, a former judge, was one of thousands of women who had been raped during Bosnia’s 1992-95 war, as part of a systematic Bosnian Serb rape campaign. After the war, Sivac begun collecting testimonies of other rape victims with a view to making a UN war crimes court in The Hague recognize it as a war crime. Today, largely because of Sivac, people are regularly prosecuted for wartime sexual violence. According to the UN, between 20,000 to 50,000 Bosniak women were raped , many in special rape camps. Photo by Amel Emric.

Bosnia’s 1992-95 war was the bloodiest in the series of armed conflicts that erupted when the Yugoslav federation fell apart and its republics began declaring independence. It took over 100,000 lives and devastated the region. According to the UN, between 20,000 to 50,000 Bosniak women were raped – many in special rape camps – during the war that was fought between the new country’s Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks.

African conflicts have seen even more harrowing figures: Between 250,000 and 500,000 were raped during the Rwandan genocide, and hundreds of thousands more in conflicts in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Sivac’s ordeal started in the spring of 1992 when Bosnian Serbs took control over her native Prijedor, in the northwest of Bosnia and threw Muslim Bosniaks and Catholic Croats in concentration camps. Alongside the women were 3,500 male prisoners, hundreds of whom were killed.

Sivac, a Muslim Bosniak, would start the day counting the bodies of the men who were tortured to death overnight. “Their bodies lay there in the grass in front of the building. Sometimes 20, sometimes 30 of them,” she recalled outside the factory in Omarska where she was held for two months.

During the long days of forced labor in the camp’s restaurant, the women listened to tortured prisoners screaming, calling for help and begging for mercy with voices that would become weaker until they went silent. Then the guards would force the women to clean the interrogation rooms, strewn with bloody pliers and batons. At night, guards would come to take the women away one by one – to rape.

Her captivity ended in August 1992 when a group of foreign journalists found the facility. The images of skeletal prisoners behind a fence and naked bodies beaten black and blue shocked the world and prompted an avalanche of reactions that forced the Serb leadership to release the prisoners.

Muslim Bosniak woman Nusreta Sivac stands at the gate of a former Omarska concentration camp Omarska, now an iron ore mine outside her native town of Prijedor, 250 kms west of Sarajevo on Tuesday, March 5, 2013. During Bosnia’s 1992-95 war the mine was used by Bosnian Serbs to detain and torture thousands of Muslim Bosniaks, including Sivac. Sivac was held there and systematically raped for over two months. After the war, Sivac begun collecting testimonies of other rape victims with a view to making a UN war crimes court in The Hague recognize it as a war crime. Today, largely because of Sivac, people are regularly prosecuted for wartime sexual violence. Omarska mine is today owned by the world’s largest steel company Acellor Mittal and survivors of the war time atrocities there are not allowed access to the site. According to the UN, between 20,000 to 50,000 Bosniak women were raped , many in special rape camps. Photo by Amel Emric.

Sivac’s pre-war colleague from the Prijedor court, prosecutor Jadranka Cigelj, was also among the 37 Omarska women. The two escaped to neighboring Croatia, where they began collecting testimonies from hundreds of women who had been raped.

They spent years transcribing testimonies, convincing victims to break their silence and putting together legal dossiers which they then presented to the investigators at the International Tribunal for War Crimes in Former Yugoslavia, based in The Hague.

During this process, she said, “it became obvious how many women from all over Bosnia were affected. But I wasn’t surprised by the big number.”

For centuries, rape was considered a byproduct of wars – collateral damage suffered by women, horrors often overshadowed by massacres. Even though the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 prohibited wartime rape, no court ever raised charges until Sivac and Cigelj presented their overwhelming evidence.

The effort finally paid off in June 1995 when the two traveled to The Hague to take part in preparations for the first indictment by the Yugoslav war crimes court.

Their collected evidence exposed the magnitude of rape which courts could no longer ignore. According to the United Nations, it was a major “turning point” in recognizing rape as a war crime.

Sivac remembers the sunny July day the two realized their work would be soon rewarded.

They enjoyed a coffee in an outdoor cafe in The Hague and wrote a few postcards back to their torturers in Prijedor.

“Dear Friends,” they wrote. “We hope you will soon join us in this wonderful city.”

A year later, the tribunal indicted eight Bosnian Serb men for sexual assault in eastern Bosnia – a verdict based on testimonies collected by Sivac and Cigelj.

It was the first time in history that an international tribunal charged someone solely for crimes of sexual violence.

Nerma Jelacic, spokeswoman for the Yugoslav war crimes court, recalls the “shocking” testimony in subsequent cases where some victims were as young as 12.

“We had cases where both mother and daughter came to testify and both were subjected to same kind of torture and kind of crimes,” she told AP.

Sivac who has since testified in several cases, including against Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, is satisfied with what she has achieved, although she wishes the ongoing cases would accelerate. “It’s slow, very slow,” she said. “But it is a start.”

One of the Omarska guards she testified against was released in 2005 after he served two-thirds of his seven-year sentence.

Sivac ran into him on the street one day in Bosnia.

“We stared at each other,” she said. “He was the first one to lower his head.”

1913. godine u Plavu i Gusinju ubijeno je 1.000 Bošnjaka, a nasilno je pokršteno njih preko 10.000.

U džamijama širom BiH klanjana je dženaza-namaz u odsustvu za oko hiljadu Bošnjaka koji su ubijeni 1913. godine u Plavu i Gusinju, nakon što su odbili da uđu sastav tadašnje Crne Gore, kojoj su nakon dodijeljeni u okviru Berlinskog kongresa 1878. godine, javio je novinar agencije Anadolija. Dženaza-namaz je klanjana nakon džume-namaza u džamijama širom Bosne i Hercegovine.

Nasilno pokrštavanje Bošnjaka u Crnoj Gori 1912-1913.

Tada je ubijeno 1.000 Bošnjaka, a nasilno je pokršteno njih preko 10.000.

Nakon odlaska Osmanlija sa ovih prostora i ulaska crnogorske vojske u Plav i Gusinje pokrštena je većina muslimanskog stanovništva. Oni koji su odbili pokrštavanje bili su strijeljani u martu 1913. godine.

Reisu-l-ulema Islamske zajednice Crne Gore Rifat ef. Fejzić za agenciju Anadolija ranije je izjavio da su nevino stradali ljudi u Plavu i Gusinju stradali samo iz razloga što nisu htjeli promijeniti vjeru i da je to jedina njihova krivica.

Nasilno pokrštavanje Bošnjaka u Crnoj Gori 1912-1913.

Crnogorski reis je naglasio da sjećanjem na žrtve balkanskih ratova Bošnjaci ne žele izazvati tenzije u Crnoj Gori, ali je ukazao da se ovdje radi o činjenicama, stvarnim događajima iz prošlosti koje Bošnjaci žele obilježiti kako bi bili pouka i kako se nikad više ne bi desili.

„U posljednje vrijeme mi muslimani živimo u drugačijoj Crnoj Gori. Svi znaju da Crna Gora ne bi bila nezavisna da nije bilo muslimana i da su oni dali značajan doprinos u ostvarivanju njene nezavisnosti.

Mislim da je ovo dobra prilika da i državnici Crne Gore dođu i da se izvinu zbog toga što je počinjeno u prošlosti u ime države“, rekao je Fejzić.

SARAJEVO – Pripadnici bošnjačkog naroda, na predstojećem popisu stanovništva u BiH koji će biti održan od 1. do 15. oktobra ove godine, po etničkoj/nacionalnoj osnovi treba da se izjasne kao Bošnjaci, te da kao maternji jezik označe bosanski, poručio je predsjednik Skupštine Svjetskog bošnjačkog kongresa muftija Muamer Zukorlić, javio je novinar agencije Anadolija.

Konferenciji su pored Zukorlića, prisustvovali i akademski radnici Dževad Jahić i Dževada Šuško.

Na konferenciji su izneseni stavovi Svjetskog bošnjačkog kongresa o popisu stanovništva u BiH, te je ukazano i na njegovu važnost.

„Za narode, nacije i države koje imaju priliku živjeti normalno i u normalnim okolnostima, popis stanovništva je jedna uobičajena aktivnost sa statističkim snačajem u cilju razvoja toga društva. Međutim, za BiH, a posebno za Bošnjake, u BiH kao i za sve Bošnjake koji ovu državu doživljavaju kao svoju matičnu, popis stanovništva i pripreme za ovu aktivnost samo potvrđuju da država BiH i Bošnjaci nažalost još nisu u prilici da imaju normalan ambijent u kome mogu živjeti i djelovati afirmirajući sopstvene individualne i kolektivne vrijednosti. Nakon agresije na BiH, nakon genocidnog rata, nakon što su Bošnjaci i drugi građani koji su sudjelovali u odbrani BiH položili ispit odbrane države i opstanka, ponovno su u prilici ali sada mirnodobskim okolnostima da se suočavamo sa stanjem izjašnjavanja pred nametnutum dilemama “, istakao je muftija Zukorlić na samom početku svog izlaganja

On je dodao da je eksperiment “ovoga što se sada dešava u BiH prošle godine izveden u Crnoj Gori gdje su Bošnjaci popisivani na četiri kolone ali na svu sreću to u Crnoj Gori nije dalo veće negativne rezultate”.

„Mi imamo paradoks da su ove vještačke dileme otvorene upravo u matici BiH i u samom centru te matice, u Sarajevu. Zato Svjetski bošnjački kongres kao stožerna nacionalna organizacija Bošnjaka smatra da je od izuzetne važnosti da se pokrenu svi nacionalni potencijali Bošnjaka i u matici, dakle u domovini, i u dijaspori, kako bi i ovaj put odbranili sopstveni identitet uz uvjerenje da odbranom bošnjačkog imena i bošnjačkog identiteta ostvarujemo pretpostavku za konačnu odbranu države BiH, domovine Bosne bez koje niti ima Bošnjaka, a vjerujem niti ima stabilnosti ovoga prostora“, kazao je Zukorlić.

On je dodao da je dugo vremena izbjegavao da povjeruje da postoje neki posebni programi protiv bošnjačkog naroda ali da se je uvjerio da postoji program pod imenom „bijeli cigani“.

Zukorlić je dodao da „ukoliko bi značajan broj Bošnjaka podlegao ovoj prevari i podvali, osmišljenoj da sladunjavo vuče prema formiranju novog imena bosanci ili bosanci i hercegovci, to bi značilo direktni doprinos raslojavanju bošnjačkog nacionalnog bića i ulazak u neizvjesnu budućnost“.

On je naglasio da bi svako prihvatanje novog imena za narod i naciju sa više od hiljadu godina tradicije Bošnjačkog nacionalnog imena i državnosti, značilo svojevrsni nacionalni i opće civilizacijski suicid.

Zukorlić je uvjeren da će Bošnjaci i ovaj put, položiti ovaj civilizacijski ispit i da će se suprotstaviti svim pokušajima da se otvori dilema tamo gdje nema razloga za to jer nacionalno i etničko ime je nešto o čemu se ne donosi odluka.

„To je nešto što pulsira u našim srcima i biću i što ima svoju bogatu tradiciju i historijsko uporište. U tom pogledu ponavljam poziv svim Bošnjacima, ne da poslušaju Svjetski bošnjački kongres, već da poslušaju sebe, zov svoje kulture, svoje tradicije al isto tako i zov svoje pameti koja jasno nalaže da nema potrebe da se za nas Bošnjake ponovno nudi nešto što se ne nudi nikome“, pojasnio je Zukorlić.

On je također dodao i da nakon što smo dobili Ustav države koji su garantirali organizatori agresije i genocida, dobili smo državu u invalidskim kolicima koja ne može vršiti svoju funkciju prema svojim građanima i onima koji je doživljavaju kao svoju domovinu.

„Nama se ponovo nudi nešto što bi i bošnjačku naciju smjestilo u invalidska kolica“, rekao je Zukorlić.

Genocidni zločini nad Bošnjacima 1992 godine u Zvorniku. (Foto: Amel Emrić, 25 maj 2008. Na slici, ekshumacija iz masovne grobnice Karakaj kraj Zvornika.)

Oni se terete u preciziranoj optužnici da su na mjestu zvanom “Hamzići” ubili trudnu ženu sa djetetom od dvije godine u naručju kao i da su “ubili sedmero djece starih dvije, četiri, pet, sedam, deset i dvoje po 13 godina”.

Optuženi se terete i da su silovali prije ubistva Zlatiju Ribić (13) kao i da su “dijete koje se nalazilo u redu za likvidaciju, a koje je tražilo svoju majku, odveli do jame, gađali nožem, pucali u njega i zatim ga bezdušno bacili na ubijena lica”. Žene su silovali više puta, a jednoj od njih su kliještima iz usta iščupali dva zlatna zuba.

SLABE PRESUDE ZA SVIREPE SRPSKE ZLOČINE U ZVORNIKU 1992 GODINE

(Napomena: Slično se desilo i 2010 godine sa ratnim zločincima Brankom Popovićem i Brankom Grujićem koji su za učestvovanje u mučenjima i ubistvima oko 700 Bošnjačkih civila — žena, djece i starijih u Zvorniku —  dobili po samo 15 godina zatvora.)

ENovine — Viši sud u Beogradu osudio je u petak sedmoricu pripadnika paravojne formacije “Simini četnici” na zatvorske kazne od dve do maksimalnih 20 godina zatvora zbog ratnih zločina nad civilnim stanovništvom u selima opštine Zvornik tokom 1992. i 1993. godine.

Na po 20 godina robije osuđeni su Zoran Stojanović – Trcko iz Loznice i Zoran Đurđević iz Šapca, Zoran Alić sa Uba i Tomislav Gavrić Gavra iz Šapca dobili su po deset godina, a Dragana Đekić iz Beograda i Đorđe Šević iz Sremske Mitrovice osuđeni su na po pet godina.

Ševiću, koji je ranije osuđen zbog ratnih zločina na 15 godina zavora izrečena je jedinistvena kazna od 15 godina. Damir Bogdanović iz Rume osuđen je na dve godine.

Predsednik sudskog veća Rastko Popović kazao je da je tokom postupka nesumnjivo utvrđeno da su pripadnici jedinice “Simini četnici”, kojom je komandovao pokojni Simo Bogdanović, počinili ratni zločin nad muslimanskim Romima. Popović je rekao da su pripadnici jedinice jula 1992. godine došli do sela Skočić i u jednoj kući okupili Rome koje su tukli nogama i rukama, kundacima i drugim predmetima te da su ubili Afira Nuhanovića.

Nekoliko pripadnika jedinice je, prema Popovićevim rečima, silovalo zaštićene svedokinje Beta i Gama, a pokojni Simo Bogdanović, zvani “Sima četnik”, vođa grupe, koji je tokom postupka preminuo u pritvoru, silovao je zaštićenu svedokinju Alfa.

Sud je utvrdio da su svedokinje Alfa, Beta i Gama nekoliko meseci bile zatvorene u kući u Mališiću gde su ih pripadnici “Siminih četnika” mučili, ponižavali i silovali, a niko im nije pomogao i zaštitio.

Precizirana izmenjena optužnica Tužilaštva od 25. decembra prošle godine tereti pripadnike ove paravojne formacije da su u Hamzićima ubili trudnu ženu sa detetom od dve godine u naručju kao i da su “ubili sedmoro dece starih dve, četiri, pet, sedam, deset i dvoje po 13 godina”.

Optuženi se terete i da su silovali pre ubistva Zlatiju Ribić (13) kao i da su “dete koje se nalazilo u redu za likvidaciju, a koje je tražilo svoju majku, odveli do jame, gađali nožem, pucali u njega i zatim ga bezdušno bacili na ubijena lica”.

Silovali su i devojčicu od 15 godina, a dedu i unuka su primorali na međusobni oralni seks. Jednoj od žrtava su nožem odsekli penis.

Žene su silovali više puta, a jednoj od njih su kleštima iz usta iščupali dva zlatna zuba. Pre silovanja terali su ih da gole igraju po stolovima i razbijenim čašama. Među njima su bile i devojčice od 13 i 15 godina. Žrtve su primoravali da gole šetaju ulicama.

Izricanju presude prisustvovala su šestorica optuženih, dok je Zoran Stojanović u bolnici. Tokom trajanja postupka, sa slobode su se se branili Stojanović, Gavrić, Đekić i Bogdanović, a predmet je u Specijalnom sudu vođen pod imenom “Zvornik 5″.

Osim optuženih, utvrđeno je da su u zločinima učestvovali još neki pripadnici ove jedinice koji nisu identifikovani, a sada se slobodno šetaju.

Ostaje nejasno pod čijom su komandom delovali “Simini četnici”, budući da neki svedoci tvrde da su naređenja primali iz štaba Srpske radikalne stranke.

Predsednik ove profašističke, danas vanparlamentarne stranke, Vojislav Šešelj negirao je, međutim, da je imao kontrolu nad jedinicama u Zvorniku, optuživši za komandnu odgovornost Željka Ražnatovića Arkana, koji je 2000. godine ubijen u mafijaškom obračunu u Beogradu.

TOKIĆ: POJEDINE NVO POKUŠAVAJU NA POPISU OSTVARITI ŠTO U AGRESIJI NA BIH NISU USPJELI MILOŠEVIĆ I TUĐMAN

Sejfudin Tokić

Sejfudin Tokić, predsjednik Bošnjačkog pokreta za ravnopravnost naroda, a povodom stavova manjeg broja nevladinih organizacija koja propagiraju da se stanovnici Bosne i Hercegovine na narednom popisu stanovništva u što većem broju izjasne kao “Ostali”, dao je slijedeću izjavu za javnost:

Za Bosnu i Hercegovinu i njene građane od presudnog je značaja stabilna država, a ona je u burnoj historiji uvijek bila direktno povezana sa brojnošću i organizovanošću bošnjačkog naroda.

Popis stanovništva u Bosni i Hercegovini u oktobru ove godine treba da da realnu sliku etničke strukture stanovništva na kojoj bi se mogao graditi stabilniji ustavno-pravni sistem zasnovan na evropskim standardima o ljudskim pravima i slobodama.

Ovaj popis je posebno važan za bošnjački narod jer dolazi nakon genocida počinjenog nad Bošnjacima u periodu 1992.-1995. te u vremenu agresivnih i zlonamjernih kampanja sa ciljem da se realan procenat našeg naroda u strukturi stanovništva sa sadašnjih 55% svede na znatno manji broj procenata.

Medijskim podmetanjem lažnih dilema Bošnjacima da se izjasne etnički kao Bosanci ili Muslimani, neke nevladine organizacije, a uz finansijsku pomoć iz inostranstva, pokušavaju ostvariti one ciljeve koje u protekloj agresiji na Bosnu i Hercegovinu nisu uspjeli ostvariti Milošević i Tuđman.

Bošnjaci ne smiju dozvoliti ponavljanje zabluda sa ranijih popisa kada su nagovareni da se u značajnom procentu izjasne kao Jugosloveni.

Bošnjački pokret za ravnopravnost naroda poziva građane bošnjačkog etničkog porijekla da se na predstojećem popisu stanovništva neizostavno izjasne kao Bošnjaci te da ne nasjedaju plaćenim misionarima koji smanjenjem procenta Bošnjaka pokušavaju destabilizirati Bosnu i Hercegovinu i marginalizirati politički uticaj bošnjačkog naroda.

Roughly half the dead were civilians, while 82 percent of those were Bosnian Muslims (known as Bosniaks). Some 10,000 women were killed, again the majority Bosniaks. Of 24,000 Serb dead, 20,000 were soldiers.

Mirsad Tokaca, Research and Documentation Center, Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Published last month, war crimes researchers say The Bosnian Book of the Dead represents the most comprehensive statistical analysis yet of the bloodshed in Bosnia after federal Yugoslavia fell apart at the close of the 20th century.

For Tokaca, 58, it’s the ultimate answer to political leaders across the countries carved from Yugoslavia who still dispute the crimes committed, the numbers killed and who bore the blame when their joint state collapsed.

“You can’t deny the crime if you determine the exact number of victims,” the former journalist and businessman told Reuters. “Nobody has done anything like this. It’s unique.”

Rights activists say an accurate picture of what went on in the Bosnian, Croatian and Kosovan wars of the 1990s is vital to the slow process of reconciliation in the Balkans, a region still scarred but seeking to join the European mainstream.

The European Union’s external borders will reach Bosnia in July, when neighboring Croatia becomes the bloc’s 28th member.

But the book, whose title recalls the funerary texts that ancient Egyptians believed guided the deceased in the afterlife, almost never came about.

For years, a state commission tasked with gathering data on war crimes was starved of funding by Bosnia’s central government, an uneasy alliance of the Serb, Croat and Bosniak former warring sides.

With thousands of files at risk of falling into disrepair, Tokaca, a former member of the commission, established the Identification and Documentation Centre and launched the book project in 2003 with the help of foreign donors.

SHUNNED BY THE STATE

He took on the records, but was shunned by the state when he asked for funding to continue the research, “probably because they couldn’t dictate what it would look like,” he said.

Amid a row with donors over how the money was being spent, the book was finally published with the help of the Belgrade-based Humanitarian Law Centre, run by Serbian rights campaigner Natasa Kandic.

“The (Bosnian) state was never interested in taking on that huge documentation,” Kandic told Reuters in Belgrade. “If it wasn’t for Tokaca, I believe the files would have fallen apart.”

The book’s four hardback volumes list almost 100,000 dead, civilian and military, in alphabetical order, their ethnicity, and when and where they died. It provides a chilling picture of the 1992-95 Bosnian war.

Roughly half the dead were civilians, while 82 percent of those were Bosnian Muslims (known as Bosniaks). Some 10,000 women were killed, again the majority Bosniaks. Of 24,000 Serb dead, 20,000 were soldiers.

The facts do not alter the narrative of the war as accepted in the West.

But it is another part of a campaign by the likes of Kandic and Tokaca to reconcile Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks around a common view of what went on when Bosnian Serb forces, with the backing of Belgrade, seized and “ethnically cleansed” swathes of Bosnia after it voted to secede from Yugoslavia.

They laid siege to the once multi-ethnic capital Sarajevo for 43 months, killing, according to the book, 14,000 people. Croatia, too, helped foment the fighting on behalf of the Bosnian Croats.

Kandic said a similar project was underway in Kosovo and another planned in Croatia, with the aim of creating a complete registry of the dead from Yugoslavia’s collapse.

“It will be a first in the history of the Balkans and the world, and we will know what our legacy is,” Kandic said. “Names close down the room for manipulation of numbers, for minimizing other victims and inflating one’s own.”

CONFLICTING NARRATIVES

Tokaca’s research had already halved the estimated number of Bosnian war dead from an earlier figure of 200,000, stirring controversy in a country still hamstrung by ethnic division and conflicting narratives of the conflict.

Besides the book’s 95,940 dead, another 5,100 are named but the circumstances of their deaths have yet to be established.

Tokaca, a Bosniak, said he believed the book would serve as a model for other conflict regions such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya or Syria, which is in the grips of an increasingly sectarian conflict often compared to Bosnia in its complexity and big-power inertia.

Without an accurate picture of the human toll, Tokaca believes reconciliation is impossible.

“You can’t preach against war and explain to people what war is without demonstrating the price of war in terms of human lives alone,” he said.

Source: REUTERS, Daria Sito-Sucic.
(Writing by Matt Robinson; editing by Michael Holden)

Duda i Mirsada Dizdarević

Ispovijest Dude i Mirsade Dizdarević iz Višegrada:

Vratila sam kćer koju su mi četnici oteli iz naručja

Dnevni Avaz — Mirsada Dizdarević iz Višegrada, kao četverogodišnja djevojčica, 13. septembra 1992. godine, u vrijeme krvavog pira zločinaca u ovom gradu na Drini, istrgnuta je iz majčinog naručja i odvedena u Beograd. Žrtva je zločina – ratne otmice djece – za koji se nikome još nije sudilo.

Bol i patnja

Bilo joj je namijenjeno da bude pokrštena i usvojena, kao i nepoznatom broju djece koja su oteta od roditelja tokom agresije na BiH i odvedena u Srbiju. Mirsada je u Srbiji provela nekoliko godina u centru za nezbrinutu djecu. No, njena do sada neispričana priča samo pukom srećom i predanošću njene majke Dude otišla je u drugom smjeru.

Ova danas 24-godišnja djevojka sad živi u Sarajevu s majkom, i dalje se boreći s teškim psihičkim traumama zbog onoga što je preživjela i odvojenosti od majke. U ekskluzivnoj ispovijesti Mirsada i njena majka Duda kažu da nikada neće zaboraviti dan kada su razdvojene. Mirsada mnogo manje govori, ali majka se sjeća svakog detalja.

- Sjećam se tog dana, ostala mi je slika krvavih ulica Višegrada – kaže Mirsada, koja dijeli sudbinu više od pola miliona nezaposlenih Bosanaca i Hercegovaca.

Majka Duda kaže da su četnici, kada su joj uzeli kćerku, ubili sve u njoj.

- Srpski vojnici palili su kuće po Višegradu. Bosa sam istrčala na ulicu s djetetom u naručju da nas žive ne zapale. Domalo se ispred mene zaustavio crveni automobil u kojem je bio vojnik. Rekao mi je da sjednem u auto i odvezao me u zgradu zavoda, gdje su bila smještena djeca s posebnim potrebama. Nakon dva mjeseca došla su dvojica muškaraca, jedan vojnik s puškom i jedan iz Crvenog krsta. Rekli su da Mirsadu vode u dom u Beograd. Plakala sam i molila ih da mi je ne uzimaju, ali jesu – prisjeća se Duda.

Od tog dana Duda nije spavala noćima. Pitala se šta je s njenom Mirsadom, je li živa, ima li šta jesti…

- Poslije nekoliko mjeseci saznala sam da je živa, ali se nisam smirila. Jedina misao bila mi je kako doći do nje. U Crvenom krstu su mi obećali da će je dovesti. Kupila sam igračke i s djecom od sestre čekala svoju ljepoticu – kaže Duda.

Ponovni susret

Mirsadu je u Beogradu pronašla polusestra Habiba, koja je bila udata za Srbina. Iako se toga u potpunosti ne sjeća, Mirsada je jedno vrijeme provela u kući Habibe.

No, Mirsada kaže da je trpjela strahote i od Habibinog muža te je ponovo vraćena u dom. Jedna porodica je, kako navodi, dolazila u dom s namjerom da je usvoji i pokrsti, no odustali su kada su saznali da joj je majka živa. Za to vrijeme Duda je patila i čekala da joj vrate kćerku. Posredstvom Crvenog krsta Mirsada je vraćena majci krajem 1995. godine. No, ponovni je susret s Mirsadom, koja je tada imala već skoro osam godina, donio je novu traumu. Duda kaže da joj je to bio najteži trenutak u životu.

- Kad se našla ispred mene, nisam je prepoznala. Bila je velika, nije više bila malo dijete. Zvala sam je da mi dođe, nije htjela. Nije me prepoznala. Govorila sam joj da sam ja njena majka. Plakala je i bježala od mene. Davala sam joj igračke, ali je odbijala da mi priđe. Bol koju sam tada osjetila neizbrisiva je, uništila me – sjeća se Duda.

Članak američke novinarke

O Mirsadinom slučaju je još 1992. godine pisala američka novinarka Nina Bernštajn (Bernstein), koja ju je pronašla u Beogradu 29. avgusta 1992. godine. U svom članku je napisala:

- “Bilo je previše krvi”, govorila je Mirsada bojeći čitav list papira crvenom bojom. Pritiskala je crvenu bojicu na papir. Prstima je prelazila preko papira, noktima stružući boju. “Vidjela sam kamion. Moja majka bila je u njemu, trčala sam za njim i plakala, ali se nije zaustavio. Vojnici su je odveli.” Jednom od vojnika je rekla: “Oni ljudi tamo su svi ludi.”

Pročitajte detaljniji članak ovdje.

Sa jednog od goraždanskih štandova

Građani Goražda, okupljeni u Facebook grupi “Sinovi Drine – Ponos i Pravda”, jučer su počeli potpisivati peticiju kojom od Tužilaštva BPK Goražde, Tužilaštva BiH i drugih nadležnih institucija zahtijevaju da se pokrenu istrage i procesuiraju odgovorni za stradanja civilnog stanovništva u ovom gradu za koje do sada niko nije ni osumnjičen.

U zahtjevima koji će biti upućeni lokalnim vlastima traži se da se odmah započne s prikupljanjem dokaza radi pokretanja tužbe protiv RS zbog 1.365 dana opsade, stradanja više od 4.000 stanovnika ovog grada, granatiranja civilnih ciljeva, snajperskog djelovanja i razaranja objekata pod zaštitom međunarodnog prava.

Od lokalnih vlasti traži se osnivanje arhiva u kojem će biti pohranjeni svi prikupljeni dokazi, da se na ulazima u grad ponovo postave table s natpisom “Dobro došli u Grad heroj”, na svim važnijim raskrsnicama, uzvišenju Rorovi, brdima Mišjak, Biserna i Kik – Kolijevke podignu jarboli sa zastavama države BiH, da se odmah spriječi daljnja devastacija Spomen-parka “Rorovi” i da se najdalje do 18. septembra, Dana BPK i općine Goražde, izdvoje sredstva za rekonstrukciju parka “Rorovi”.

Na stotine Goraždana potpisalo je zahtjeve iz peticija pokrenutih s obrazloženjem da su branioci BiH godinama suočeni s pokušajima naknadnog mijenjanja i falsificiranja historije o karakteru proteklog rata i namjerom da se u srca stanovnika grada heroja počnu vraćati ponos i vjera u pravdu.

Munira Subašić, predsjednica Udruženja Majke Srebrenice, izgubila je 22 člana porodice, među njima dvadesetogodišnjeg sina Nermina nakon pada Srebrenice u julu 1995 i Genocida koje su srpske snage počinile nad muškarcima i dječacima ove enklave.

Uz „Marš na Drinu“, iz rata u rat, proljeva se muslimanska krv s ove strane Drine

Kompleks koji vi imate zato što ste porijeklom musliman, i zbog kojeg želite biti veći Srbin od patrijarha, nemojte liječiti preko naših mrtvih koje su vaši sunarodnjaci Srbi pobili samo za to što su bili muslimani, stoji u pismu Majki Srebrenice.

Udruženje „Majke enklava Srebrenica i Žepa“ uputilo je otvorena pisma predsjedavajućem Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih naciju Vuku Jeremiću i njegovoj majci Seni, zbog skandala kojeg je Jeremić izazvao organizovanjem izvođenja srpske ratne pjesme „Marš na Drinu“ na koncertu upriličenom u zgradi UN-a u New Yorku povodom proslave Srpske nove godine.

Kompleks

„Mi, majke, supruge, kćerke i sestre 10.000 žrtava genocida u Srebrenici, koje su srpski krvoloci mučki pobili upravo uz zvuke „Marša na Drinu”, ogorčeni smo da vi, gospodine Vuče, kao sin majke Sene i unuk Sadete i Šerifa, u sjedištu najveće svjetske organizacije propagirate srpski fašizam tako što dovodite hor i orkestar koji izvodi srpsku koračnicu uz koju se, još od Prvog svjetskog rata, proljeva muslimanska krv s ove strane Drine. Kompleks koji vi imate zato što ste porijeklom musliman, i zbog kojeg želite biti veći Srbin od patrijarha, nemojte liječiti preko naših mrtvih koje su vaši sunarodnjaci Srbi pobili samo za to što su bili muslimani. Nemojte nama, preživjelim žrtvama genocida u Srebrenici, nanositi dodatnu bol”, napisale su majke Srebrenice predsjedavajućem Generalne skupštine UN-a u otvorenom pismu do kojeg je došla agencija Anadolija.

Udruženje „Majke enklava Srebrenica i Žepa” podsjeća Jeremića da je Srbija, presudom Međunarodnog suda pravde, proglašena odgovornom za nesprječavanje genocida, a Vojska i Policija entiteta Republika Srpska za direktno izvršavanje genocida nad nedužnim bošnjačkim narodom.

„Još od 1914. godine „Marš na Drinu” je simbol smrti za Bošnjake Podrinja, a za srpske radikale s obje strane Drine je omiljena pjesma. Ujedinjene nacije, čijom Generalnom skupštinom predsjedavate, uputile su izvinjenje zbog izvedbe ‘Marša na Drinu’ pojašnjavajući kako je ‘UN svjestan da su neki ljudi povrijeđeni izvedbom srpske ratne pjesme’”.

Majke Srebrenice u pismu pitaju Jeremića da li je on svjestan da je povrijedio Bošnjake time što je „Marš na Drinu” doveo u UN.

„Podsjećamo vas da je 1995. godine, pred očima UN-ovih vojnika počinjen genocid. Tome svjedoče hiljade preživjelih Bošnjaka iz Srebrenice, ali i hiljade mezara u Memorijalnom centru Potočari. Genocid su počinili Srbi, a vojnici UN-a su to nijemo posmatrali i, smijemo reći, odobravali. Danas, 17 godina nakon genocida u Srebrenici, ironično je da Generalnom skupštinom UN-a, predsjedava jedan Srbin. No, to možda najbolje ilustruje samu sliku odnosa UN-a prema žrtvama i zločincima. Ujedinjene nacije su još jednom pokazale da su organizacija u kojoj nema morala. Za nas je UN izgubio smisao postojanja i svrhu prije 17 godina. Danas, šira svjetska javnost neka se uvjeri kakva je UN organizacija. Uz ‘Marš na Drinu’ u UN-u pokazali ste da su zločini amnestirani. Neka bude sramota i vas Jeremiću i cijeli UN za ovaj postupak. Mi smo izdržale i gore, pa ćemo izdržati i ovo, a učinit ćemo sve da UN odgovara za zločine koje nije spriječio”, poručile su majke Srebrenice.

Odvojeno pismo, puno emocija, uputile su Vukovoj majci, Seni Jeremić, poručujući joj da je njen sin dirao u još svježe rane majki, sestara, supruga i kćerki koje su u genocidu u Srebrenici ostale bez najmilijih.

Pravda i Humanost

„Vjerovatno ste se odgajajući djecu, ili gledajući kako to drugi rade, upoznali sa situacijom kada se jedna majka žali drugoj, zbog zijana i lopovluka djece. Ovo pismo je upravo takva jedna žalba, samo što se vama ne žali jedna ili dvije majke iz komšiluka, nego nas nekoliko hiljada, koje smo uvrijeđene i ponižene postupkom vašeg sina. Poštovana gospođo, treba da znate da se vaš sin prije nekoliko dana igrao sa smrću naše djece. Kamo sreće da su se igrali kao ostala djeca u svijetu, no to nisu ni mogli, jer hiljade naše djece je mrtvo, a vaš sin se poigrao s njihovom smrću. Drago nam je što je vaše dijete uspjelo postati značajna figura najveće organizacije koja se bavi zaštitom humanosti i prava ljudi. Sve mi, majke ovog svijeta, dok smo odgajale djecu samo smo im htjele najbolje u životu i htjele smo ih izvesti na pravi put, put na kojem se poštuje pravda i humanost. Našu djecu su ubili na tom putu, a njihove kosti i danas tražimo, a vaš sin je postao značajna figura u organizaciji koja je nijemo posmatrala i odobravala smrt naše djece. To je bilo prije 17 godina, ali naše rane su friške i nikada neće zacijeliti, barem to vi trebate znati, jer ste i sami majka”, stoji u pismu Udruženja „Majke enklava Srebrenica i Žepa” upućenom majci predsjedavajućeg Generalne skupštine UN-a.

„Možete li zamisliti da neko ubije vašeg Vuka, pa da više od 15 godina nakon tog ubistva pitate gdje su mu kosti da ih možete dostojno pokopati? Vjerujemo da na trenutak možete zamisliti tu situaciju. Ne želimo da nas pogrešno razumijete, ne želimo smrt vašem djetetu ili bilo kojem čovjeku na planeti. Želimo da znate da je vaše dijete, prije nekoliko dana dovođenjem hora koji je intonirao kompoziciju ‘Marš na Drinu’ u UN-u, diralo u naše friške rane i igralo se smrću naše djece. Mnogi kažu da je kompozicija nastala u kontekstu Prvog svjetskog rata, no ta kompozicija za nas nije ništa drugo nego muzika uz koju su orgijali Srbi dok su ubijali, silovali, protjerivali, pljačkali i palili. Gospođo Jeremić, uz Marš na Drinu vaš sin je ispijao čase vina u svečarskoj atmosferi, a naša su djeca slušajući tu kompoziciju molila za život i tražila razloge da ostanu na ovom svijetu samo još neki momenat. Nadamo se da nas razumijete, kao majka majku. Nemojte biti ljuti zbog ovoga pisma, budite sretni. Jer, nas je hiljade majki koje bi dale sve na svijetu da nam se druga majka požali na sina. Naružite ga i neka vam je živ i zdrav”, napisale su majke Srebrenice majci Vuka Jeremića.

UN apologizes for ovation given to Serb militant song “March on the Drina” at UN concert

UNITED NATIONS – The United Nations apologized Thursday for the ovation given to a militant Serb nationalist song performed at a concert honoring Serbia’s presidency of the U.N. General Assembly, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s spokesman said.

Martin Nesirky said that “the United Nations was aware that some people were offended by the song “March to the Drina,” sung in the General Assembly hall Monday night. Ban afterward stood at the podium alongside Vuk Jeremic, the former Serbian foreign minister and current assembly president, for a photo with the performers, the Belgrade vocal group Viva Vox.

Ban “expressed sincere regret that people were offended by this song,” Nesirky said, adding that the U.N. chief “obviously was not aware what the song was about or the use that has been made of it in the past.”

“March to the Drina,” was originally written as a nationalist hymn after World War I, about a battle on the Drina River that now separates Serbia and Bosnia. It features lyrics such as “The battle was fought, Near cold water, Blood was flowing, Blood was streaming by the Drina… for Freedom!”

It became a favorite of fascists and Serb nationalists, and was banned by Yugoslavia’s Communist government after World War II. It was reportedly sung in the 1990s during Serb attacks on Bosnian towns along the Drina River separating the newly separated countries.

After the Yugoslav wars of secession, Serbs voted in 1992 to make it their national anthem. Serbia’s parliament bypassed it as being too provocative and adopted an old song from the country’s royalist period instead.

“March on the Drina” was added to the U.N. concert as an encore, and delighted the crowd, which was mostly unaware of its connotations. (AP via Fox News)

“U logoru je bila sa sinom od sedam godina i kćerkom od samo godinu i po. Teže, čak i od brojnih silovanja, pada joj sjećanje na dan kada ju je sedmogodišnji sin vidio golu u logoru. Najteže mi je kada se sjetim izraza na licu sina koji me je s ostatkom žena vidio golu. Tjeranje da pjevamo četničke pjesme, udarci, ponižavanje… To su slike koje me proganjaju više od silovanja – kaže I. Z.”

I. Z. u Centru “Vive žene”: Osim s terapeutkinjom, o preživljenim torturama priča još samo sa snahom i bratičnom. Foto. A. Muslimović

ISPOVIJEST BOŠNJAKINJE SILOVANE U ZLOGLASNOM SRPSKOM KONCENTRACIONOM SUŠICI KRAJ VLASENICE

DNEVNI AVAZ — Četrdesetpetogodišnja I. Z. samo je jedna u nizu silovanih Bošnjakinja iz zloglasnog logora Sušica [u prijeratnoj opštini Vlasnica koja je graničila sa prijeratnom opštinom Srebrenica]. Tokom tromjesečnog boravka u tom kazamatu silovana je bezbroj puta. O strahovitim traumama malo kome govori, a za njih znaju tek rijetki članovi njene porodice.

Ni mužu ne priča

Pomoć je prvi put tek prije dvije godine potražila u tuzlanskom Centru za terapiju i rehabilitaciju “Vive žene”.

- Bude mi puno lakše nakon terapija. Dok nisam krenula na terapije, hodala sam ulicama Tuzle sama, samo kako ne bih poludjela od razmišljanja o strahotama iz logora. Na terapiju su me nagovorile komšinice koje su prošle iste strahote u Sušici – ispričala nam je I. Z. tokom naše posjete Centru.

Osim s terapeutkinjom, o preživljenim torturama priča još samo sa snahom i bratičnom. Kako nam je ispričala, svom suprugu ne želi dopustiti da o tome razgovaraju.

- Muž zna šta mi se desilo, ali ja mu i dan-danas tvrdim da to nije istina. Jednostavno mu ne dam za pravo da u to vjeruje – govori ona.

U logoru je bila sa sinom od sedam godina i kćerkom od samo godinu i po. Teže, čak i od brojnih silovanja, pada joj sjećanje na dan kada ju je sedmogodišnji sin vidio golu u logoru.

- Najteže mi je kada se sjetim izraza na licu sina koji me je s ostatkom žena vidio golu. Tjeranje da pjevamo četničke pjesme, udarci, ponižavanje… To su slike koje me proganjaju više od silovanja – kaže I. Z.

Na stotine žena od ratne 1994. godine do danas prošle su kroz terapije Centra “Vive žene”. Primarni cilj ove organizacije jeste unapređenje mentalnog zdravlja osoba koje su bile pod torturom tokom i nakon rata u Bosni i Hercegovini. Tu se provode psihoterapije, psihosocijalna, socijalna, medicinska i pravna savjetovanja. Samo u protekloj godini kroz terapiju je prošlo 60 žena silovanih u ratu.

Dugotrajan oporavak

- Mi pokrivamo dio sjeveroistočne Bosne. Proces oporavka tih žena dugo traje. Situacije kroz koje su prolazile su kao iz filmova strave i užasa, ali gore od samog silovanja su torture i ponižavanja. Jedna od njih nam je ispričala da joj je teže bilo kada su je tjerali da zajedno s kćerkom i ostalim ženama gola hoda u krugu logora – ističe Jasna Zečević, direktorica Centra “Vive žene”.

Zečević: Mnoge žene osjećaju stid i krivicu

Iako je od kraja rata u BiH prošlo 18 godina, terapije i liječenja traju i danas. Najveći problem, kako kažu stručnjaci, jeste osjećaj krivice i stida, uz nezaobilaznu nebrigu države o silovanim ženama.

- O brutalnom zlostavljanju, vezivanju lancima, silovanjima mnoge žene i danas šute. Osnovni je problem osjećaja krivice i stida koji je kod njih i dalje prisutan. Glavni uslov da terapija uspije jeste da ih oslobodimo toga. Neke od žena prošle su terapije 1994. godine, ali su krile da su silovane, pa tek sad ponovo dođu na tretman. To je razlog zašto se još i danas liječe. Kad bi država malo obratila pažnju i povela računa o silovanim ženama, bili bismo u puno boljoj situaciji – ističe Zečević.

Centar za terapiju i rehabilitaciju “Vive žene” osnovan je u vrijeme rata, kao potreba za liječenje žena koje su prošle ratnu traumu. Iz istočne Bosne kroz ovaj centar prošlo je oko 20.000 uglavnom žena i djece, ali i starijih muškaraca.

Terapije su se provodile i u kolektivnim centrima, ali nakon toga i u lokalnoj zajednici gdje žene-žrtve rata žive. Program liječenja i integracije u zajednici krenuo je zajedno s povratkom izbjeglih osoba. Sada se rad odvija na tri nivoa. Riječ je o stacionarnom tretmanu u samom Centru, ambulantnom tretmanu te oporavku u zajednici na terenu.

Posljednjih pet godina aktivisti Centra “Vive žene” bore se i za promjenu zakonskih regulativa radi što bolje zaštite žrtava rata.

- Kad radimo s jednom osobom i pomognemo joj da se vrati u normalan život u zajednici, vrlo često imamo slučaj da je društvo odbija i onda se ponovo vraća u situaciju traumatskog događaja, koji se zove retraumatizacija. Stoga je veoma bitno da se država ovim problemom mnogo više pozabavi – zaključuje Zečević.

Soba u kojoj se provode psihoterapije, psihosocijalna, socijalna, medicinska i pravna savjetovanja

Budžet od 450.000 eura

- Naš godišnji budžet iznosi oko 450.000 eura. “Vive žene” od osnivanja 1994. godine uglavnom su finansirane od međunarodne zajednice sa oko 90 posto sredstava te organizacija iz Švicarske, Lihtenštajna i Švedske, Soroš fondacije. Vrlo mali dio sredstava dobivamo iz kantonalnog i federalnog budžeta – navodi Zečević.

II. Ako se na popisu stanovništva 2013 godine podijelimo, time ćemo smanjiti svoj Bošnjački etno-nacionalni teritorij, od najbrojnije nacije postati manjina, a time pomoći Srbima i Hrvatima da dokrajče Bosnu i Hercegovinu što im i jeste dugoročni cilj.

III. Na popisu stanovništva 2013, izjasnite se isključivo kao Bošnjaci. U protivnom ćete pomoći Srbima i Hrvatima ostvare svoje snove o Velikoj Srbiji i Velikoj Hrvatskoj. Pamet u glavu…  Čitajte dalje……

Pogledajte Spot: Bitno je biti Bošnjakinja ↓

Pogledajte Spot: Bitno je biti Bošnjak ↓

REUTERS — Fika was 15 years old, and her sister 17, when they were captured and repeatedly raped by Bosnian Serb soldiers who swept through eastern Bosnia early in the country’s 1992-95 war.

“We were forced to watch each other being raped, and I still feel my pain and the pain of my sister,” she said. “They wanted us to admit we were spies, so they beat us till they knocked out our teeth.”

Twenty years on, Fika is among thousands of Bosnian Muslim [Bosniak] women whose search for recognition and support from the Bosnian state is being blocked by Bosnian Serb leaders who fear a wave of compensation claims. Her sister died at the hands of their torturers.

Rights groups are losing patience, warning that the psychological toll is only getting worse with time.

“The silence surrounding the wartime rape of women in the Serb Republic … is deafening,” Amnesty International wrote in October.

Fewer than 40 rape cases have been prosecuted in the 17 years since the war ended, and legislation at the state level to extend compensation and rehabilitation rights to rape victims of the war is gathering dust, hostage to ethnic politicking.

The lesson of Bosnia has spurred a push by Britain to raise awareness of sexual violence in war when it takes over the chairmanship of the G8 group of industrialised nations next year.

Under the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative, the British government plans to send police officers, lawyers, psychologists and forensic experts to Bosnia and other conflict and post-conflict countries to work with local authorities on the issue.

“Bosnia and Herzegovina is seen as a priority country,” Ann Hannah, a spokeswoman for the initiative, told Reuters. She said a team would arrive in Bosnia early in 2013.

“We have a very strong feeling there is a window of opportunity to make a significant breakthrough on this issue,” Hannah said. “Without its resolution, any peace process is incomplete.”

A delicate balance of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, Bosnia was torn apart as federal Yugoslavia dissolved. An estimated 100,000 people died, most of them Bosniaks. Some estimates put the number of women raped at up to 35,000, again the majority of them Bosniaks.

“MY HEART IS ROTTEN”

With peace, the country was split into two autonomous regions – the Serb Republic and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, home to mainly Bosniaks and Croats. The country is ruled by a system of ethnic quotas, with each region enjoying a high level of autonomy and the central state often left powerless to legislate over the entire territory.

The story of Fika, as she asked to be called, is indicative. She declined to give her real name, fearing the stigma attached to many wartime rape victims in Bosnia. Reuters reached her through a non-governmental organisation that helps rape victims.

Caught up in a wave of ethnic cleansing of Bosniaks from eastern Bosnia, Fika was captured and held at a Serb-run detention camp in the town of Vlasenica. She says she lost count of how many times she was raped by her captors.

Finally released, Fika fled to the northern town of Tuzla, now part of the Federation, dropped out of school and struggled to support her mother, who was widowed during the war, and younger sister.

Now 34 and a mother, she has not told her three children what happened to her, nor will she return to her home in Vlasenica, which is now part of the Serb Republic and where she believes her rapists still live.

Three years ago, spurred by recurring nightmares, she raised the courage to report two of them, whom she recognised as locals of Vlasenica, to police in the region, but charges were never brought.

She has been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder and receives 250 euros per month from the Bosniak-Croat Federation as compensation for her war trauma.

Those like her who live in the Serb Republic receive nothing, however, because the law there only recognises those who can prove damage to at least 60 percent of their body as civilian victims of war, disregarding psychological trauma.

Fika told her husband what happened to her, but says she regrets doing so because of the toll it has taken on their marriage.

“I have no idea what keeps me going,” Fika said. “My heart is rotten.”

At least three separate bids have been made in recent years to enshrine the rights of wartime rape victims in state law, so far without success. Bosniaks accuse the Serb Republic of blocking their efforts.

“We have created a nation-wide strategy designed to ensure reparation for the victims of wartime rape but from the very beginning we knew the government of the Serb Republic was hardly likely to accept it,” said Saliha Djuderija, assistant minister for human rights and refugees in the Bosnian central government.

PERPETRATORS STILL FREE

Amnesty International said the Serb Republic “is still failing to acknowledge the needs of wartime rape survivors – indeed, the existence of a problem at all.”

Authorities there, it said, “have never made a meaningful attempt to collect data on this population, to understand and quantify their problems or to develop policies that would address their specific needs.”

Bosnian Serb War Invalids Minister Petar Djokic denied this, saying his government was exploring ways to resolve the issue while safeguarding against the possibility of false claims.

“We have already discussed this with some non-governmental organisations dealing with this problem to see how we can resolve this institutionally in the best way,” Djokic told Reuters, “without creating another problem for ourselves through any attempted abuse of the social support system.

“We want to protect the victims of sexual violence in a just manner, but all such victims will have to prove exposure to sexual violence, though not necessarily medical confirmation of the level of bodily damage,” Djokic said.

As time passes and victims are left to deal with their trauma alone, the psychological scars deepen, psychologists say, worsened often by the knowledge that the perpetrators are still walking among their victims.

“It only aggravates the condition and their experience of trauma reaches the level of psychological terror,” said Teufika Ibrahimefendic, head of the ViveZene NGO and a psychologist who has worked with rape survivors for years.

“The community must recognise the rape as a war crime and each victim must be recognised.”

Fika agreed: “For me, the war never ended. And it never will.”

(Additional reporting by Gordana Katana in Banja Luka; Editing by Matt Robinson and Sonya Hepinstall)

Avaz — Grebak je za Goražde u godinama agresije značio život. Grebak je bio stanica za snabdijevanje hranom gladnog Goražda. Putem spasa od sela Zorovići u okolici Goražda do Grepka prvi je 6. maja 1992. godine prošao Hasan Turčalo Brzi, koji je godinu i mjesec kasnije na tom putu poginuo kao vodič.

Poput srne

Praćeni kišom, snijegom, a nerijetko i pucnjavom iz srpskih zasjeda, hiljade Podrinjaca prošle su epopeju Grepka ovim bosanskim bespućem da bi do kuće donijeli nekoliko kilograma brašna. Mnogi su zauvijek ostali na tom putu. Nažalost, broj onih koji se nisu vratili nikada nije precizno utvrđen, ali je sasvim sigurno da je riječ o nekoliko stotina muškaraca, žena i djece koji su se smrzavali u snijegu, upadali u minska polja ili, zalutavši, padali u srpsko zarobljeništvo, gdje su ubijani.

U maju i junu 1992., u vrijeme teških dana za grad Goražde, Haso Turčalo sa svojom grupom u Goražde je unio oko 150 hiljada metaka, veće količine lijekova… U to preteško doba, narod na slobodnim teritorijama istočne Bosne smislio je devizu da “bez Hasa nema spasa”.

Kolona nesretnika formirala bi se u selu Zorovići i onda s prvim mrakom kretala prema Grepku pravcem Ruda Glava – Voda Petrovica – Kacelj – Ruda Brda – škola u Račićićima -Zbić – Grebak. Na čelu kolone najčešće je bio vođa Haso Turčalo, a često i njegov brat Abid. Negdje pred svitanje, kolona od nekoliko hiljada ljudi stizala bi do Logističke baze IBOG-a (Istočnobosanske operativne grupe) Armije RBiH na Grepku. Tu su uzimali brašno i čekali novu noć kako bi krenuli nazad.

Hasan Turčalo Brzi bio je suvereni monarh na ovoj teritoriji rizika i neizvjesnosti. Istančanog sluha, kretao se poput srne, teren je izviđao u pokretu, spreman da reagira i na najmanji šum. Ljudi iz kolone često su na Kacelju, visokom 1.675 metara, na snježnim nanosima od po nekoliko metara imali ledenice po licu, bradi, brkovima i ušima… Upamćeno je da su ljude pronalazili smrznute u snijegu kako rukama grle bukvu.

Djecu su ljudi stavljali u sepete, a da ne bi plakala i otkrivala kolonu pored srpskih položaja, vezali bi im usta. Od umora, krećući se po dubokom snijegu, padali su i konji. Turčalo, prijeratni profesor historije, bio je komandant bataljona u Prvoj drinskoj udarnoj brigadi Armije RBiH, kojom je komandovao rahmetli Zaim Imamović. Sa svojim borcima Turčalo je odbranio strateški važan Klek i mjesto Orahovice, osvojio Borovac…

Kako to obično biva u Bosni, i Haso Turčalo je u proljeće 1993. postao predmet raznoraznih spletki. Priča objavljena u sarajevskim ratnim novinama po narudžbi nekih goraždanskih kriminalaca skoro ga je dotukla. Mnogi su ratnu patnju podrinjskog naroda koristili za vlastitu pljačku, tako što su od ljudi uzimali novac i zlato, lažno se predstavljajući da su Hasan Turčalo i da će ih iz Goražda provesti do Grepka.

Bili su to ratni kriminalci iz Orahovica i Goražda, koji su nesretnike vodili prema Grepku, a onda, nakon nekoliko pređenih kilometara, uz izgovor da moraju izvidjeti teren, ostavljali narod tako što bi se tajnim prolazima vraćali nazad.

Razmjena tijela

Od 17. aprila 1993. kota Kacelj na putu spasa prema Grepku i dalje ka Igmanu pala je pod srpsku kontrolu, a time je definitivno prekinuta komunikacija Goražda sa slobodnom teritorijom pod kontrolom Armije RBiH. Turčalo je sa 6. na 7. juni 1993. sa Grepka poveo 150 boraca prema Goraždu. Uspio ih je dovesti do položaja goraždanskih branilaca, usmjeriti i krenuti nazad na Grebak po Hamida Bahtu, Zaima Backovića, Džemala Najetovića, Vehbiju Karića i Nešeta Muminagića, koje je trebao uvesti u Goražde.

A onda, sačekan je u jednoj zasjedi, kakvih je na stotine ranije uspješno zaobišao. Haso je sa svojim pratiocima Seadom Bajramovićem, Dževadom Efendićem i Fehimom Kulaševićem nestao. Pričalo se svašta. Prvo da su ih ubili četnici u zasjedi, a onda i da su ih likvidirali kriminalci koji su švercovali duhan, cigarete i drugu skupocjenu robu u Goražde.

Njihova tijela su razmijenjena nakon pada Bjelašnice ujesen 1993. i ukopana kraj džamije u Pazariću. Nakon agresije, Hasanovom bratu Abidu, srpski oficiri su otkrili da su tijela pronašli četiri mjeseca nakon ubistva na mjestu Gora, udaljenom 200 metara od srpskih položaja prema Grepku, nekoliko metara iznad puta kojim su prolazili konvoji.

- Mi smo nakon njihovog nestanka zarobljavali srpske vojnike, nudili ih za razmjenu, ali nikakve informacije nismo dobivali od srpske strane. Nema Hasana, ni mrtva, ni živa. Srbi su ih našli kad su već tijela bila u fazi raspadanja. Nisu znali o kome je riječ. Vito Mastilo, naš prijeratni poznanik, koji je bio srpski komandant na Kacelju, nakon agresije me doveo do mjesta kod četiri bukve gdje su našli tijela. Na tom mjestu sam pronašao čahure i tijelo rahmetli Dževada Efendića. Efendićeve ostatke Srbi nisu primijetili kad su pronašli Hasu, Bajramovića i Kulaševića. Nažalost, ubili su ih naši ljudi iz Fočanske Jabuke i to iz ljubomore zbog Hasanove popularnosti u narodu. Pretpostavljam da je ubistvo izvršio izvjesni Gazija – priča Hasanov brat Abid Turčalo. [upozorenje: ovo je samo pretpostavka, mada nije isključeno da je Hasan ubijen u prijateljskoj vatri, njegovi suborci tvrde da je ubijen iz srpske zajede.]

Major Hasan Turčalo posthumno je 1995. godine odlikovan prizanjem “Zlatni ljiljan”. Vrijeme iza nas nepovratno i bolno podsjeća da su ljudi poput Hasana Turčala, koji su uspostavljali dobrim dijelom naš sistem vrijednosti u borbi za goli opstanak, bili samo ljudi i ništa više. Krhki i prolazni, ali zato neponovljivi i jedinstveni u svojoj hrabrosti i ljudskosti.

Nije spavao 216 noći u godini

- Hasan i ja smo preveli do Grepka skoro sav narod istočne Bosne. Moj brat Haso bio je heroj i svjetski rekorder. Kolonu do Grepka i nazad je za godinu vodio 113 puta, a put u jednom pravcu je 50 kilometara, znači s povratkom s Grepka 100 kilometara. Računica kaže da je za godinu pješke prešao 11.300 kilometara. Od toga nije spavao 216 noći u godini, a svaki put je u povratku s Grepka na sebi nosio minimalno 30 kilograma tereta, što znači da je za tu godinu na leđima prenio minimalno 3.390 kilograma tereta – izračunao je Abid Turčalo.

Dnevni Avaz — U prisustvu nekoliko stotina povratnika i prognanika s područja općine Sokolac jučer je u selu Mićivode klanjana dženaza za 13 stanovnika ovog sela. Dženazu-namaz predvodio je vojni muftija Ismail ef. Smajlović, izaslanik reisu-l-uleme Islamske zajednice u BiH Mustafe ef. Cerića.

Zatočeni u “Kožari”

U septembru 1992. godine ubijen je 41 stanovnik ovog sela, među kojima 11 žena i dvoje djece. Mučki su ubijeni od strane srpskih agresorskih snaga. Ago Andelić jučer se oprostio od majke Derviše i oca Avde.

- Bili su u grupi koja je krenula prema Olovu i pretpostavlja se da su bili zatočeni u „Kožari” u Knežini. Čule su se priče da je od nekog vojvode neko nastradao i da su ih pobili na Bećarima. Njihove kosti nađene su prije dvije godine, na površini zemlje, prekrivene samo lišćem. Da nije bilo ljudi koji su kazali gdje su, ni do danas ih ne bismo našli – kaže Andelić.

Merdan Murtić izgubio je oca, majku i brata. Oca Memiša ukopao je jučer, a majka Fatima i brat Avdija, koji je imao samo 16 godina, među sedmero su stanovnika Mićivoda za kojima se još traga.

- Teško je govoriti o tome. Za sada niko nije odgovarao za ovaj zločin, a vjerovatno će neko odgovarati. Neka sudovi rade svoj posao, nije moje da im sudim – naglašava Murtić.

Svirepa ubistva

U svom obraćanju velikom broju vjernika goraždanski muftija Hamed ef. Efendić je istaknuo da Bošnjaci svaki dan svjedoče ispraćajima s ovoga svijeta.

- Blago onima koji s ovoga svijeta odlaze kao ljudi, kao oni koji su činili dobro, spašavali ljude i borili se da pomognu ljudima. Teško onima i na ovom i na budućem svijetu koji su na svirep način, zločinački 20. septembra 1992. godine ovdje, u ovom pitomom mjestu, ubili 41 stanovnika, za kojima je njihova rodbina tragala 20 godina i jedan mjesec. Oni koji su ovo učinili, sigurno mirno ne spavaju – kazao je Efendić.

Ratko Mladic in the courtroom.

BIRN — Testifying at the trial of Ratko Mladic before the International Tribunal at The Hague, protected witness RM-081 describes crimes against Bosniak civilians from Rogatica committed by Serb forces in a school building in that town in the summer of 1992.

In his written statement, which the Hague Prosecution included as evidence, witness RM-081 said that Serb soldiers sexually abused him and his minor children – a daughter aged seven and a half and 13-year old son, in a detention camp.

As he said, the witness “did not have the courage” to ask his wife whether she was raped too after having been taken out of the detention camp by members of Serb forces.

Witness RM-081 identified members of Serb forces, who took women out in order to rape them, from a list which the Hague Prosecution presented to him in the courtroom. The witness said that Rajko Kusic, Commander of the Rogatica Brigade with the Republika Srpska Army, VRS, was Commander of the detention camp in the Veljko Vlahovic school building.

According to the witness, the Brigade conducted the heavy shelling of Rogatica in the spring of 1992, although no Bosniak forces were situated in the town and despite the fact that most of the town’s population consisted of women, children and unarmed men from the surrounding areas, who sought shelter in the town.

After the town had been occupied by Serb forces on May 21, 1992, RM-081 and about 1,000 other local residents were detained in the School Centre, where they were held in “inhumane” conditions without sufficient food and water. Witness RM-081 said that detainees were subjected to beating and sexual abuse, while some of them were even killed.

RM-081 said that Kusic came to the detention camp in late June 1992 and objected due to the fact that the Bosniaks “were not co-operative enough, causing him problems with the cleansing of Rogatica”.

Mladic, former Commander of the VRS Main Headquarters, is charged with genocide in Srebrenica and genocide in seven other Bosnian municipalities, persecution of Bosniaks and Croats in municipalities throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, terror against civilians in Sarajevo by a long-lasting shelling and sniping and taking members of UNPROFOR hostage in the period from 1992 to 1995.

The cross-examination of witness RM-081 will be continued on Monday.

Ratko Mladić u sudnici Tribunala

Svjedočeći na suđenju Ratku Mladiću pred međunarodnim sudom u Hagu (ICTY), zaštićeni svjedok RM-081 opisao je zločine nad civilima Bošnjacima iz Rogatice koje su srpske snage u ljeto 1992. godine počinile u zgradi srednje škole u tom gradu, javila je Balkanska istraživačka mreža (BIRN).

U pisanoj izjavi, koju je Haško tužilaštvo uvelo u dokaze, RM-081 je kazao da su srpski vojnici u logoru seksualno zlostavljali njega i njegovu maloljetnu djecu – kćerku, koja je tada imala sedam i po godina i trinaestogodišnjeg sina.

Kako je izjavio, svjedok “nije imao snage” da pita suprugu da li je i ona bila silovana, nakon što su je iz logora izvodili pripadnici srpskih snaga.

Pripadnike srpskih snaga koji su izvodili žene na silovanje, RM-081 je u sudnici identifikovao sa spiska koji mu je predočilo Haško tužilaštvo.

Kao komandanta logora u srednjoj školi “Veljko Vlahović”, svjedok je označio Rajka Kušića, zapovjednika Rogatičke brigade Vojske Republike Srpske (VRS).

Prema svjedokovom iskazu, ta brigada je u proljeće 1992. Rogaticu žestoko granatirala, iako u njoj nije bilo bošnjačkih snaga, a većinu stanovništva su činile žene, djeca i nenaoružani muškarci iz okoline, koji su u gradu potražili utočište.

Nakon što su srpske snage preuzele grad 21. maja 1992. godine, RM-081 je sa oko 1.000 građana bio pritvoren u srednjoškolski centar, gdje je uslove opisao kao “neljudske”, uz manjak hrane i vode. Zatočenici su, kako je rekao RM-081, bili izloženi prebijanju, seksualnom zlostavljanju, a neki pritvorenici su bili i ubijeni.

RM-081 je izjavio i da je krajem juna 1992. godine Kušić došao u logor i prigovorio Bošnjacima da “ne sarađuju dovoljno, što mu stvara probleme u čišćenju Rogatice”.

Mladić, bivši komandant Glavnog štaba VRS-a, optužen je za genocid počinjen u Srebrenici i još sedam bosanskohercegovačkih opština, progon Bošnjaka i Hrvata u opštinama širom BiH, teror nad civilima u Sarajevu granatiranjem i snajperisanjem te uzimanje pripadnika UNPROFOR-a za taoce, u periodu od 1992. do 1995. godine.

U ponedjeljak će biti nastavljeno unakrsno ispitivanje svjedoka RM-081.

Institut za ratne zločine u Sarajevu je utvrdio da je u Kozarcu bilo ubijeno 1.200 Bošnjaka, od toga 800 u maju 1992, a da je broj žrtava, uključujući prijedorsku i susjedne opštine Sanski Most i Bosanski Novi, dostigao 2.000.

Pukovnik bivše JNA (Jugoslavenske narodne armije) Osman Selak svjedoči o tome kako je general Momir Talić odlučio da broj žrtava napada na Kozarac u maju 1992. godine umanji sa 800 [osam stotina] na 80 [osamdeset]. Šta je svjedok vidjeo kada je posjetio logor na Manjači? Talić je bio optužen za genocid, ali je umro prije Haškog sudjenja.

SENSE Tribunal — Penzionisani pukovnik Osman Selak, nekadašnji komandant pozadinske baze JNA u Banja Luci svedoči na suđenju bivšem komandantu Glavnog štaba VRS [Vojske Republike Srpske] Ratku Mladiću o dva sastanka kojima je prisustvovao 1992. godine.

Na prvom sastanku, 27. maja 1992. godine, pukovnik Marčetić izvještava komandanta Prvog krajiškog korpusa Momira Talića da je u napadu na Kozarac tog dana ubijeno 800 ljudi, a uhapšeno 1.200. Selak tvrdi da ga je Talić u tom trenutku pogledao, svjestan da je jedini prisutni Bošnjak, te je Marčetića “korigovao” rekavši da je “valjda ubijeno 80″ a ne 800 ljudi. Takav izvještaj je, potom, upućen Glavnom štabu VRS.

Svjedok je u svoju ratnu bilježnicu, koju je danas predočio sudu, upisao brojku koju je izrekao Marčetić – 800 – a ne Talićevu “korekciju”. Danas, međutim, kaže da je u međuvremenu – kao saradnik Instituta za ratne zločine u Sarajevu – ustanovio da je u Kozarcu i široj okolini ubijeno do 2.000 ljudi. “Pored Srebrenice, tvrdim da je genocid izvršen i u Kozarcu”, rekao je Selak.

Svjedok je i sam pokušao da ode na mjesto zločina ali ga je u tome sprečio njegov zamjenik koji se zabrinuo da će Selak biti likvidiran kad utvrdi šta se stvarno dogodilo u Kozarcu. Selak veruje da je u izveštaju Glavnom štabu broj ubijenih desetostruko umanjen zbog “lične odgovornosti komandanta”.

Talić, po svedoku, “u osnovi nije bio loš čovek” ali je morao da izvrši naređenje pretpostavljene komande. “Nije mu bilo drago”, kaže Selak, dodajući da Talić, ipak nije “preduzeo nikakve mere protiv 343. motorizovane brigade” koja je po njemu odgovorna za zločin u Kozarcu.

Na drugom sastanku 1. juna 1992. godine, general Talić je izdao naredbu o formiranju koncentracionog logora Manjača za otprilike 2.500 ratnih zarobljenika. Objekti na nekadašnjem poligonu za obuku su, po Selaku, mogli da prime najviše 80 ljudi, do 200, ako bi bili postavljeni vojnički kreveti na sprat. Nakon što je logor formiran, Selak je otišao u obilazak Manjače i u štalama je zatekao stotinak zarobljenika koji su čistili prostor stočnog izmeta. Neki su, kaže “bili isprebijani, krvavi po licu, goli do pasa”. Kad je ušao, zarobljenicima je naređeno da stanu mirno i obore glave. Ono što je video bilo je “toliko strašno da se i sada ježim kada se toga sjetim”, rekao je Selak.

U odgovorima na pitanja Mladićevog branioca Branka Lukića, Selak je rekao da je osim broja ubijenih u izvještaju Krajiškog korpusa netačna i tvrdnja da su žrtve iz Kozarca “poginule u borbama”. Ti ljudi su, po Selaku, bili “likvidirani”.

Branilac Lukić je potom postavio niz pitanja o nacionalnom sastavu VRS i Armije BiH, odazivanju na mobilizaciju, ustavnim odredbama o referendumu, naoružavanju, formiranju Patriotske lige i Zelenih beretki. Svjedok je rekao da je “bilo dosta politike u koju se on nije mešao” pa da zato nema prave informacije. Rekao je takođe, da je tražio da se penzioniše sredinom maja 1992. godine zato što je “znao šta ga čeka”. Dobijao je, kaže, telefonske pretnje i dopise da se Bošnjaci i Hrvati odstrane iz vojske.

Mladić je veći dio Selakovog iskaza pratio bez reakcija ali je povisio glas kada je branilac ispitivao svedoka o nekim vojnim pitanjima. Mada je najprije negodovao, Mladić je, na kraju, gestovima pokazao da se slaže sa svjedokom. Unakrsno ispitivanje Selaka biće nastavljeno sutra ili prekosutra, nakon što se završi saslušanje svjedoka koji će dati iskaz putem video konferencijske veze iz Sarajeva. On će svedočiti o etničkom čišćenju sarajevske opštine Novi Grad i masakru “najmanje 47 Bošnjaka” u autobusu na putu Rajlovac-Pale 14. juna 1992. godine.

Slijedi izvještaj BIRN-a:

Svjedok Tužilaštva Osman Selak izjavio je na suđenju Ratku Mladiću, optuženom za genocid počinjen u BiH, da je u ljeto 1992. komandant Prvog krajiškog korpusa VRS Momir Talić bio zvanično obaviješten da je u napadu na selo Kozarac kod Prijedora ubijeno 800 Bošnjaka, a da je, po Talićevom nalogu, u izvještaju Glavnom štabu VRS-a zatim napisano da je bilo 80 žrtava, prenosi BIRN.

Selak je u to vrijeme bio komandant pozadinske baze VRS-a u Banjoj Luci.

Objasnio je da je, kao dugogodišnji oficir Jugoslovenske narodne armije (JNA), podnio zahtjev za penzionisanje dan nakon formiranja VRS-a, 18. maja 1992., svjestan da u njoj neće moći da ostane kao musliman, ali da je na dužnosti ostao dok u julu te godine nije usvojen njegov zahtjev.

Svjedok je rekao je da je 27. maja 1992. bio na sastanku u komandi Korpusa, na kojem je pukovnik Dragan Marčetić, izvjestio Talića o napadu na Kozarac tog dana.

“Marčetić je rekao Taliću: ‘Druže generale, danas je u Kozarcu ubijeno 800 ljudi i zarobljeno 1.200.’ Talić je spontano pogledao prema meni, znajući da sam Bošnjak, a da su ubijeni bili muslimani. Uvidio je da je pogriješio, pa se okrenuo i rekao Marčetiću: ‘Dragane, valjda hoćeš da kažeš da je ubijeno 80 ljudi i tako obavijesti Glavni štab.’ Ta informacija je otišla u Štab”, ispričao je Selak.

Prema svjedokovom iskazu, Talić “nije bio za ratnu opciju”, ali je “provodio naređenja”.

“Znao je da je prekršio međunarodno ratno pravo i zato je naredio da se Glavni štab izvjesti da je bilo 80 ubijenih. Plašio se da će on odgovarati za to ubistvo”, kazao je Selak, označivši, kao počinioce ubistva u Kozarcu, pripadnike motorizovane brigade VRS-a iz Prijedora, koje Talić “nije kaznio”.

Talića je sud u Hagu optužio za ratne zločine počinjene u Bosanskoj krajini, ali je on 2003. umro, prije nego što je suđenje okončano.

Mladić, tadašnji komandant VRS-a, optužen je za progon Bošnjaka i Hrvata širom BiH, koji je u sedam opština, uključujući Prijedor, dosegao razmjere genocida.

Njemu je na teret stavljen i genocid počinjen u Srebrenici, teror nad civilima u Sarajevu te uzimanje pripadnika UNPROFOR-a za taoce, u periodu od 1992. do 1995. godine.

U svjedokovoj radnoj bilježnici, koju je tužilac Dermot Groome prikazao u sudnici, zabilježene su riječi pukovnika Marčetića da je “u Kozarcu, zbog rampe, 800 ljudi poginulo”.

“Navodno je neko stavio rampu da ljudi ne mogu proći”, prokomentarisao je svjedok.

On je izjavio da je kasnije Institut za ratne zločine u Sarajevu, u kojem je on angažovan, utvrdio da je u Kozarcu bilo ubijeno 1.200 mještana, a da je broj žrtava, uključujući prijedorsku i susjedne opštine Sanski Most i Bosanski Novi, dostigao 2.000.

Prvog dana juna 1992. godine, Selak je, prema sopstvenim riječima, bio prisutan i na sastanku na kojem je Talić naredio da se “pod hitno” formira koncentracioni logor za “cirka 2.500” ratnih zarobljenika na Manjači.

Nakon dva dana, on je, s Talićem i drugim oficirom, otišao u logor i tamo vidio “100 do 130 ljudi, od kojih su neki bili isprebijani i krvavi, kako čiste štalu u kojoj su bili smješteni”.

“Kasnije su, nažalost, mnogi umrli od prebijanja u tom logoru”, kazao je Selak, procjenjujući da je u objektima na Manjači prije rata moglo da se smjesti najviše 200 vojnika.

Tokom rata, kroz logor je prošlo skoro 5.000 Bošnjaka.

Na početku unakrsnog ispitivanja, Mladićev branilac Branko Lukić predočio je u sudnici izvještaj Prvog krajiškog korpusa u kojem se navodi da su Bošnjaci u Kozarcu bili ubijeni u borbama.

Svjedok je to odbacio kao “laž”, ocjenjući da je ona bila navedena upravo zbog straha generala Talića od “posljedica”.

Suđenje će biti nastavljeno sutra.

BIRN — “Odveo me je u kuću i skinuo golu. Počeo je da me udara. Plakala sam, a on me je uhvatio za glavu i udario od zid. Odveo me je gore u sobu i onda me silovao”, prisjeća se jedna od žena iz Babinog Potoka kod Višegrada onoga šta joj se desilo u junu 1992. godine.

Tadašnja tridesetogodišnjakinja morala je i na druge načine seksualno zadovoljavati vojnika koji je došao u njeno selo, a kojeg odranije nije poznavala.

O onome šta je doživjela, godinama je šutjela, kao i druge žene iz Babinog Potoka koje su tada silovane. Dvojica očeva kažu da im kćerke nisu nikada ispričale šta su doživjele, iako su to rekle majci i sestri.

“Kćerke su mi u Austriji. Dođu jednom godišnje i budu dan, ali ne smiju da noće ovdje”, priča jedan od dvojice mještana koji su se nakon rata vratili u Babin Potok.

Osim silovanja, mještani ovog višegradskog sela doživjeli su premlaćivanja, maltretiranja, prisilna odvođenja i ubistva. Još uvijek se ne zna tačan broj ubijenih niti silovanih. Pronađeni su posmrtni ostaci jedne starice, a ostali, kojima se gubi svaki trag, još uvijek nisu nađeni.

Za ono što se desilo u Babinom Potoku, niko nije osuđen. U Okružnom tužilaštvu u Istočnom Sarajevu se vodi istraga protiv Mladena Markovića zbog sumnje da je silovao dvije žene u ovom selu, dok u Tužilaštvu BiH ne žele da potvrde da li uopće provode istragu, samo odgovaraju da rade na više predmeta koji su u vezi sa Višegradom.

Maltretiranje žena i djece

Babin Potok je selo u blizini Višegrada. Prema popisu stanovništva iz 1991. godine, u tom selu je živjelo 166 ljudi, većinom bošnjačke nacionalnosti. U junu 1992. srpska vojska je napala selo. Većina muškaraca je pobjegla u šumu, dok su žene ostale u kućama.

Fadil Husović kaže da se uspio sakriti u pšenicu u blizini kuće. Vojnici su ušli u njegovu kuću, premlatili mu suprugu i odveli kćerku, koja je imala 18 godina.

“Ženu su mi skinuli golu. Tražili joj pare. Ispalili su dva metka u staru kuću – šta ću, ja gledam kako gori. Kćerku mi odvedoše”, prisjeća se Husović, ističući da četiri mjeseca nije znao je li mu kćerka živa.

On je uspio da, zajedno sa nekoliko mještana, kroz šumu dođe do Međeđe, naselja 13 kilometara udaljenog od Višegrada, koje je bilo pod kontrolom Armije BiH (ABiH). Nekoliko dana kasnije otišao je u Goražde, gdje je od jednog rođaka iz Njemačke dobio poruku da mu je kćerka odvedena u Užice (Republika Srbija). Zatim je kćerka došla u Austriju kod sestre, gdje i danas živi. Od drugih je saznao da je silovana.

Husović se pet godina nakon rata vraća u rodno selo i tamo ponovno započinje život. Njegove kćerke, kako navodi, dođu na dan jedanput godišnje te odmah odu jer ih je strah da prenoće.

Strah je i nekadašnju tridesetogodišnjakinju da se vrati i živi u Babinom Potoku jer je, kako kaže, sve podsjeća na ono što je doživjela.

“Odradio je sve, a ja sam plakala… Šta god mi je rekao, ja sam morala. Nije mi dao da se obučem, sve gola”, priča ova žena i pojašnjava kako ju je vojnik tjerao da ga i na druge načine seksualno zadovolji.

Silovanja i seksualna zlostavljanja su se većinom dešavala u kući Mehmeda Omerovića, kojeg su srpski vojnici pretukli, žicom mu vezali ruke i odveli ga prema Višegradu, i od tada mu se gubi svaki trag.

U istoj sobi, kako navodi naša sagovornica, držana je i njena komšinica više od dva sata, ali ona ne može o tome da priča. I naša sagovornica kaže da joj je dugo trebalo da ispriča da je silovana, iako nekima ni 20 godina kasnije nije to povjerila.

“Djeci nikada nisam ništa rekla, njima ne mogu reći… Curice su one. A vide i onu knjižicu u novčaniku, iako sam je dugo krila”, dodaje ova žena, pojašnjavajući da se po knjižici može vidjeti ko je “žena – žrtva rata”.

Teško pričati

Da je silovana, naša sagovornica nije dugo otkrila ni zbog muža, jer ju je bilo strah njegove reakcije.

“Teško žene i međusobno pričaju o onome što su doživjele… Teško da i ženama kažeš, sramota te… Nije to jednostavno. Dugo sam i ja trpjela zbog muža. Na kraju sam nekako istrpjela i kazala svekrvi, pa onda mužu”, pojašnjava ona.

U selu Babin Potok nekoliko je mještana ubijeno ili odvedeno u nepoznatom pravcu. Neki od njih su Zineta Poljo, Ajka Mujezinović, Ajna Hodžić, Nadiha Mujezinović, Mehmed Omerović, Hamed Oprašić, Hamed Kustura, Šemsa Poljo, Derviš Mujezinović, Iza Međuselac i Rešo Kos.

“Velika šteta i krivica vlasti je što ne tjeraju te zločince, ne izvedu ih pred lice pravde i ne osude”, kaže Husović.

Prema dostupnim podacima, Okružno tužilaštvo u Istočnom Sarajevu provodi istragu protiv Mladena Markovića za ratni zločin nad civilnim stanovništvom počinjen u Babinom Potoku.

Drugi mještanin koji se, uz Husovića, vratio u rodno selo jeste Abid Međuseljac, kojem je majka ubijena, a kćerka silovana.

“Vratio sam se 2002. godine. Živim ovdje, želja mi je bila da se vratim u moj rodni kraj, na imanje. Tu sam, niko sretniji od mene nije, mada je bilo svega tokom rata. Strahota…”, kaže Međuseljac, ističući da je preživio napad srpske vojske jer je pobjegao kroz šumu zajedno sa dva maloljetna sina.

Nakon napada, navodi Međuseljac, vojnici su palili kuće i ubijali žene u njima.

“Zurijetu su dolje ubili, dijete ostalo od sedam ili osam mjeseci. Ubijena je i Ajna Hodžić. Majka mi je ostala ovdje kad smo mi otišli… Tragali smo i tragali, ali ništa. Nisu bile ekshumacije”, priča Međuseljac pokazujući mjesto gdje je zadnji put vidio majku.

Danas Međuseljac živi sam u kući. Povremeno ga, kako kaže, obiđu djeca.

“Uvijek sam težio za ovim krajem. Govorio sam, da mi je dočekati da dođem u ono moje mjesto, svaku bih šljivu poljubio”, dodaje Međuseljac.

Sad kad su se vratili u svoj rodni kraj, Husović i Međuseljac kažu da je sramota što niko nije odgovarao za ono što se desilo u njihovom selu.

“Prepušteni smo sami sebi”, zaključuju sadašnja dvojica jedinih mještana sela Babin Potok.

Written by: Albina Sorguc

BIRN — “He took me into the house and stripped me naked. He started hitting me. I cried and he grabbed my head and hit it against the wall. He took me into the room upstairs and then raped me”, said one woman from Babin potok near Visegrad, about what happened to her in June 1992.

Then 30 years old, she had also to sexually satisfy in different ways one soldier who came to her village. She said that she did not know him from before.

She kept silent for years regarding what she has survived, just like the other women in Babin potok, who were raped then. The two fathers say that their daughters never told them what they had experienced even though they told it to their mothers and other sisters.

“My daughters are in Austria. They come here once a year and stay for one day, but they are afraid to spend the night here”, says one of two locals who have returned to Babin potok after the war.

In addition to rape, residents of this Visegrad’s village were beaten, harassed, forcibly taken away and killed. The exact number of those killed or raped is still unknown. The remains of one old woman were found, and the others who remain unaccounted are still not found yet.

No one is sentenced for what happened in Babin potok. The District Prosecutor’s Office in East Sarajevo is conducting the investigation against Mladen Markovic, on suspicion that he raped two women in this village, while in the Prosecution of Bosnia and Herzegovina does not want to confirm whether they conduct the investigation at all; they only say that they work on several cases related to Visegrad.

Harassment of Women and Children

Babin potok is a village near Visegrad. According to the census from 1991, the population of this village was 166, mostly of Bosniak nationality. In June 1992, the Serb army attacked the village. Most of the men fled into the woods while the women stayed in the houses.

Fadil Husovic said that he managed to hide in wheat near the house. The soldiers entered his house, beat his wife and took away their daughter who was then 18 years old.

“They stripped naked my wife. They asked for the money. They fired two bullets into the old house. I was watching how it burns down, what could I do. They took away my daughter”, recalls Husovic, pointing out that he did not know for four months whether his daughter is alive.

Through the woods, together with a few locals, he managed to come to Medjedja, a village 13 kilometers away from Visegrad, and under control of Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A few days later, he went to Gorazde, where he got the message from one relative from Germany that his daughter was taken to Uzice, Serbia. A few days later, his daughter came to her sister in Austria, where she still lives. He found out from others that his daughter was raped.

Five years after the war, Husovic returned to his native village and started to live there again. As he says, his daughters came for one day once a year, because they are afraid to spend the night there.

Then 30 years old woman is also afraid to return and live in Babin potok because, as she says, everything reminds her of what she has survived.

“He did everything and I was crying … I had to do everything what he told me. He did not allow me to get dressed, I was naked all the time”, says our interlocutor, and explains how he forced her to sexually satisfy him in different ways.

Rape and sexual abuse have been happening mostly in the house of Mehmed Omerovic, who was beaten by Serb soldiers. They tied his hands with wire and took him to Visegrad, and he disappeared without a trace since.

As our interlocutor say, her neighbor is held more than two hours in the same room with her, but that she cannot talk about it. Our interlocutor also says that it took her long time to say that she was raped, even though after 20 years, she never told about it to some persons.

“I never said anything to my children; I cannot say it to them… They are girls. But, they see that book in my wallet, though I hid it for a long time”, says this woman, explaining that in that book it can be seen who is “woman, victim of war”.

It’s hard to tell

This woman did not say that she was raped for a long time because she was afraid of reaction of her husband.

“Even women between themselves hardly speak about what they survived … It’s hard to tell that even to women, you feel ashamed … It’s not easy. I suffered a long time because of my husband. In the end, I somehow said it to my mother in law, and then to my husband”, explains our interlocutor.

In the village of Babin Potok, several villagers were killed or taken to an unknown direction. Some of them are Zineta Poljo, Ajka Mujezinovic, Ajna Hodzic, Nadiha Mujezinovic, Mehmed Omerovic, Hamed Oprasic, Hamed Kustura, Semsa Poljo, Dervis Mujezinovic, Iza Medjuseljac and Reso Kos.

“The great shame and guilt is on the government because it does not prosecute these criminals, brought them to justice and sentence them”, says Husovic.

According to available data, the District Prosecutor’s Office in East Sarajevo conducts an investigation against Mladen Markovic for war crimes against civilian population committed in Babin potok.

Abid Medjuseljac is another villager who, along with Husovic, returned to his home village in which his mother is killed and his daughter raped.

“I returned in 2002. I live here. I wanted to return to the place where I was born, to my farm. I am here, no one is happier than me, although there was everything here during the war. Horror …”, Medjuseljac said, adding that he survived the attack of the Serb army because he fled through the woods along with his two minor sons.

Medjuseljac says that after the attack, the soldiers burned the houses and killing women who were inside.

“They killed Zurijeta down there, seven or eight months old child remained after her. Ajna Hodzic was also killed. My mother stayed here when we left … We were searching and searching, but nothing. There were no exhumations”, says Medjuseljac, pointing out to the place where he saw his mother for the last time.

Medjusejlac now lives alone in the house. He says that his children come occasionally and visit him.

“I’ve always longed for this area. I said that if I manage to return to my place, I would kiss every plum”, says Medjuseljac.

Now, that they have returned to their homeland, Husovic and Medjuseljac say that it is a shame that nobody is held responsible for what have happened in their village.

“We are left on our own”, concludes the only two inhabitants of the village of Babin potok.

The Institute for War Crimes in Sarajevo had established that 2,000 Bosniak civilians were killed in the wider region around Kozarac, of which 800 were killed in May of 1992.

Osman Selak, witness at the Ratko Mladic trial

Former JNA (Yugoslav People’s Army) colonel Osman Selak has testified about General Momir Talic’s decision to reduce the number of victims in the attack on Kozarac in May 1992 from 800 to 80. Selak also described what he saw when he visited the Manjaca prison camp.

SENSE Tribunal — Retired colonel Osman Selak, former commander of the JNA logistics base in Banja Luka testified today at the trial of Ratko Mladic, former commander of the VRS (Bosnian Serb Army) Main Staff, about two meetings he attended in 1992.

At the first meeting on 27 May 1992, Colonel Marcetic informed the Krajina Corps commander Momir Talic that 800 Bosniaks had been killed that day in the attack on Kozarac; 1,200 were arrested. Selak contends that Talic looked at him at that moment, knowing that Selak was the only Bosniak there, and ‘corrected’ Marcetic saying, ‘you mean to say that 80 persons were killed’. The number was then put in a report that was sent to the VRS Main Staff.

Today the witness showed the court the war-time notebook in which he had written the number Marcetic had mentioned, 800, rather than Talic’s ‘correction’. Selak also said that in the meantime as an associate of the Institute for War Crimes in Sarajevo, he had established that 2000 persons were killed in the wider region around Kozarac. ‘Apart from the genocide in Srebrenica, I say genocide was committed in Kozarac too’, Selak said.

The witness tried to get to the crime scene but his deputy stopped him; he was concerned that Selak would be liquidated once the truth about the events in Kozarac got out. Selak thinks that the death toll in the report sent to the Main Staff was reduced ten times because of the ‘personal responsibility of the commander’. As Selak explained, Talic ‘was not a bad man’ but had to implement the order of the superior command. ‘He was not pleased to do it’, Selak noted. However, Talic ‘didn’t take any measures against 343rd Motorized Brigade’ that was in Selak’s opinion responsible for the crime in Kozarac.

At the second meeting, General Talic issued the order establishing the Manjaca concentration camp for about 2,500 prisoners of war. The facilities in the former training ground could be used to house 80 persons at the most, or 200 if military bunk beds were put in, Selak said. Selak visited the prison camp once it was up and running. In the stables, he saw about a hundred detainees mucking out the area. Some of them ‘had been beaten up, they had blood on their faces, Selak said. When Selak walked in, the prisoners were ordered to stand still and put their heads down. The scenes Selak saw ‘were so horrible that even today I shiver when I remember them’, Selak said.

In response to Mladic’s defense counsel Branko Lukic, Selak said that apart from the death toll, the Krajina Corps report contained another inaccurate claim: that the victims from Kozarac ‘died in combat’. According to Selak, those people were ‘liquidated’.

Defense counsel Lukic asked the witness a series of questions about the ethnic composition of the VRS and the BH Army, the response to the call up, the constitutional provisions about the referendum, and the arming and establishment of the Patriotic League and the Green Berets. ‘There was a lot of political issues at play but I didn’t get involved in that’, the witness said; as a consequence, he didn’t think he had the accurate information. The witness also said that he asked to retire in mid-May 1992 because he ‘knew what was coming’. Selak explained that he had received some threatening telephone calls and letters about the expulsion of Muslims and Croats from the army.

For the most part, Mladic followed Selak’s evidence without reacting. He did raise his voice though, when the defense counsel examined the witness about some military issues. Mladic at first contradicted the witness, but finally gestured to indicate he agreed with him. Selak’s cross-examination continues tomorrow or the day after tomorrow after the evidence of the witness who will testify via video link from Sarajevo. The witness will speak about the ethnic cleansing of the Novi Grad neighbourhood in Sarajevo and the massacre of ‘at least 47 Bosniaks’ in a bus en route from Rajlovac to Pale on 14 June 1992.

The following is a report from BIRN:

At the trial of the former Bosnian Serb army chief, Ratko Mladic, his defence argued that the attack of the Serb forces on the village of Kozarac in 1992 was a was a consequence of a Bosniak ambush.

The suggestion was made by Mladic’s lawyers during the cross examination of the prosecution witness Osman Selak who dismissed this claim, sticking to his earlier assertion that 1,200 Bosniaks had been killed in the attack.

Testifying a day earlier, Selak, the former commander of the rear base of the Army of Republika Srpska in Banja Luka, described the meeting on May 27, 1992, when subordinate officers informed the commander of the First Krajina Corps Momir Talic that 800 Bosniaks were killed and 1,200 captured in Kozarac and the area.

According to Selak, General Talic issued an order that the headquarters of the Bosnian Serb army be informed that the number of victims was ten times smaller, aware that his units violated the international law of war.

Mladic, former commander of the Army of Republika Srpska, is charged with the expulsion of Bosniak and Croat civilians across Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, according to the indictment, in seven Bosnian municipalities, reached a level of genocide. He is also charged with genocide in Srebrenica and terrorizing Sarajevo citizens.

Asked by the defence whether he knew that an army column passed through Kozarac in late May 1992 and what was its assignment, Selak replied negatively, adding that he knew that “a battalion from Belgrade went in that direction.”

Asked whether he knew that a driver from the column was killed, the witness replied: “I did not know. That is how political parties were trying to justify the killing of 1,200 people”.

The defence lawyer, Branko Lukic, asked how many wounded people there were in Kozarac, suggesting that, having in mind the number of killed that the witness stated, there had to be a “couple of thousand” wounded.

“I believe there was, because people from the village were taken to the camps near Pijedor and many of them died from the wounds there,” said Selak.

Mladic’s lawyer asked the witness about the “resistance movement” in Banja Luka, whose member he was after he retired in July 1992. Selak confirmed this, emphasising that the resistance never carried out any action against the Serb authorities.

He added that during the war “300 people were killed and thrown into the Vrbas river” and that “Bosniaks and Croats were ordered to leave.”

In the course of the trial, presiding judge Alphons Orie had to warn defendant Mladic on several occasions not to talk loudly during consultations with his lawyers and not to comment loudly during the ongoing testimony.

The trial is set to resume on September 28.

Obilježena godišnjica srpskog masakra nad 22 člana tri bijeljinske porodice Bošnjaka. (Genocida u Bosni 1992)

Dnevni Avaz — U Bijeljini je danas obilježeno dvadeset godina od stravičnog zločina nad 22 člana porodica Sarajlić, Sejmenović i Malagić, koje su pripadnici “Pahuljica” – specijalne jedinice MUP-a Republike Srpske (RS), nemilosrdno ubili iako su svi bili su civili. Do danas niko nije odgovarao za ovaj ratni zločin iako se znaju imena, naredbodavac, organizator i izvršitelj, dokazi se povlače po tužilaštvima i sudovima, a kazna ne stiže počinitelje.

Na to su još jednom podsjetili najbliži srodnici ubijenih, te aktivisti bošnjačke zajednice kulture “Preporod” Bijeljina i Dječije ambasade “Međaši”. Okupili su se ispred kuća ubijenih, odakle su otišli na obalu Drine u selo Balatun, gdje su u rijeku bacili 22 ruže.

Uz učenje fatihe, cvijeće su položili i na mezare u mezarju Lipić-Selimovići, a u bijeljinskoj Atik džamiji proučen je tevhid nedužnim žrtvama.

Podsjetimo, u noći sa 24. na 25. septembar 1992. godine, iz svojih kuća odvedeno je 22 ljudi, od čega sedmero djece i osam žena.

Ubijeni su pred zoru 25. septembra na obali Drine u semberskom selu Balatun. Tijela su bačena u rijeku, a godinama kasnije većina njih su pronađena pod NN oznakama, na grobljima u Sremskoj Mitrovici i Šapcu, potom identifikovana i ukopana u Bijeljini.

Za nekima se još uvijek traga, kao što se traga i za monstrumima koji su na ovakav način, ubijanjem civila samo zato što nose drugačije ime, podsticali etničko čišćenje radi stvaranja Republike Srpske.

Ubijeni su:
1. Admir Sarajlić (6 godina)
2. Alma Sarajlić (10 godina)
3. Amira Sarajlić (1955)
4. Osman Sarajlić (1956)
5. Senad Sarajlić (1967)
6. Izo Sarajlić (1931)
7. Rašida Sarajlić (1920)
8. Derviša Sarajlić (1956)
9. Muharem Sarajlić (1952)
10. Selma Sarajlić (12 godina)
11. Zekerijah Sarajlić (1976)
12. Zurijeta Sarajlić (1934)
13. Najla Sarajlić-Džafić (1931)
14. Jusuf Sejmenović (1949)
15. Izeta Sejmenović (1951)
16. Edina Sejmenović (1973)
17. Edin Sejmenović (1979)
18. Rašid Malagić (1947)
19. Haša Malagić (1926)
20. Amira Malagić (1953)
21. Elvir Malagić (1972)
22. Almir Malagić (1974)

The First Day of Bosnian Genocide, 31 March 1992. Serb forces hunt down and kill Bosniak civilians in the city of Bijeljina (close to the Serbian border). (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey: A Balkan War Journal).

Arkan’s Tigers, who enjoyed full logistical and military support of Serbia’s State Security aparatus, invaded Bijeljina on 31 March 1992 during a Holy Muslim month of Ramadan. In the ensuing weeks and months, thousands of Bosniaks were persecuted, tortured, raped and killed in Bijeljina. Photographer Ron Haviv was in Biljeina to witness and take some of the iconic photos of the Serbian ethnic cleansing of Bijeljina — the brutality that became synonymous with the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide.

Jovan Dimitrijevic, who appeared as a defense witness in Simatovic case, testified that the person kicking civilians [in the photo below ↓ ] was Srdjan Golubovic “Maks”. Dimitrijevic maintained that civilians were not alive when kicked. However, according to another Arkan member Goran Gerovac, who served in the Serbian Volunteer Guard, these civilians were still alive when they were kicked. Gerovac said Bosniak civilians were [also]  kicked by Nebojša Đorđević Šuca (who can be seen in the center of the photograph). 

The First Day of Bosnian Genocide, 31 March 1992. Serb forces hunt down and kill Bosniak civilians in the city of Bijeljina (close to the Serbian border). (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey: A Balkan War Journal). Caption for this photograph reads: Arkan’s Tigers kill and kick Bosnian Muslim civilians during the first battle for Bosnia in Bijeljina, Bosnia, March 31, 1992. The Serbian paramilitary unit was responsible for killing thousands of people during the Bosnian war, and Arkan was later indicted for war crimes.

Bijeljina Genocide: In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Bijeljina. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence, including the evidence set out in paragraphs 238 -245. The scale and pattern of the attacks, their intensity, the substantial number of Muslims killed in the seven municipalities, the detention of Muslims, their brutal treatment in detention centres and elsewhere, and the targeting of persons essential to the survival of the Muslims as a group are all factors that point to genocide.”

The First Day of Bosnian Genocide, 31 March 1992. Serb forces hunt down and kill Bosniak civilians in the city of Bijeljina (close to the Serbian border). (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey: A Balkan War Journal).

On 31 March 1992, Serbian paramilitary group, supplied by Serbia and led by Zeljko Raznatovic (Arkan), slaughtered hundreds of Bosniak civilians in the town of Bijeljina in northeastern Bosnia, near the border with Serbia. In the comings weeks and months, thousands of Bosniak civilians were tortured, raped, imprisoned and killed in Bijeljina. Photographer: Ron Haviv

The concentration camp operated between May and November of 1992. It was closed chiefly due to the international pressure. The total number of camp inmates reportedly varied on average between 4,000 and 7,000 people. Approximately 1,000 detainees were killed, including more than 200 civilian prisoners that were taken from the camp, brought to Koricani cliffs on Mount Vlasic, ordered to kneel and then systematically executed.

Badly emaciated, starving, ribs and bones protruding Bosniak civilians in the Trnopolje concentration camp during the Bosnian Genocide in August of 1992. (Credit: Ron Haviv. Blood and Honey.)

Bones and ribs protruding through the skin of the emaciated Bosniak civilians in the Trnopolje concentration camp in August of 1992. (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey).

In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where the Trnopolje concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi.”

Screenshot of a starving/emaciated Bosniak civilian, Fikret Alic, inside of the barbed-wired Trnopolje concentration camp near Prijedor in August of 1992. Source: ITN / Video.

Emaciated ribs of a Bosniak civilian, Fikret Alic, inside of the barbed-wired Trnopolje concentration camp near Prijedor in August of 1992. Source: ITN / Video.

A Bosniak woman and her child in the Trnopolje concentration camp in August of 1992. Women and underage girls, on some occasions even toddlers, were kept in the camp and brutally gang raped, tortured and killed by Serb forces in one of the most brutal camps used in the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Patrick Robert)

Woman (left) and man (right), one of several thousand civilians imprisoned in the Trnopolje concentration camp. (Photo source: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague).

Civilian detainees in the Trnopolje concentration camp. (Photo provided by the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

After international pressure mounted, Serb authorities finally allowed British TV crews to enter the Trnopolje concentration camp in August, 1992 and record the ongoing brutality carried against the Bosniak civilians in the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. (Photo by the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

Badly tortured prisoners were were removed from the Trnopolje concentration camp before British TV crews entered, but Dr. Idriz Merdzanic managed to smuggle some photos of brutal beatings and abuse in the camp. (Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

Badly tortured prisoners were were removed from the Trnopolje concentration camp before British TV crews entered, but Dr. Idriz Merdzanic managed to smuggle some photos of brutal beatings and abuse in the camp. (Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

This covert photograph shows Bosniak civilian from the village of Hrnici, with ribs and bones protruding through his skin, in the Trnopolje concentration camp. Badly tortured prisoners were were removed from the Trnopolje concentration camp before British TV crews entered, but Dr. Idriz Merdzanic managed to smuggle some photos of brutal beatings and abuse in the camp. (Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

Dying Bosniak civilian in the Serb-run Trnopolje concentration camp near Prijedor, Bosnia, in August 1992. Photographer: Pascal Le Segretain.

Serb forces besieged Sarajevo from 5 April 1992 to 29 February 1996, killing 10,000 including at least 1500 children and wounding 56,000 people. The siege lasted three times longer than the Siege of Stalingrad and a year longer than the Siege of Leningrad.

What you are about to see is very graphic in nature. Viewer discretion is advised.

The “Momo” and “Uzeir” twin towers burn on Sniper Alley in downtown Sarajevo during the Serbian shelling of the Bosnian capital on June 08, 1992, in the first months of the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Georges Gobet)

MARKALE 2 (1995): Dead and wounded people lie scattered outside Sarajevo’s Markale market after a mortar shell fired from Serb army positions exploded outside the entrance to the building, on August 28, 1995 in the final stages of the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. An artillery shell killed at least 37 and wounded more than 90 others. (Photo by Peter Andrews, Markale II.)

MARKALE 1 (1994) In a repeat attack on the Markale market, Serbs killed 68 Bosniak civilians and wounded 144 on February 5, 1994. (Photographer: Patrick Chauve)

Seven-year-old Bosniak child, Nermin Divovic, lies mortally wounded in a pool of blood as unidentified American and British U.N. firefighters arrive to assist after he was shot in the head by Serbian snipers in Sarajevo Friday, November 18, 1994. The U.N. firefighters were at his side almost immediately, but the boy died outright. Serbs terrorized Sarajevo civilians and killed at least 1500 children in the besieged Bosnian capital. (Photographer: Enric Marti)

A Bosniak man takes cover behind a truck while looking at the body of a Bosniak sniper victim, Rahmo Seremet, 54, a Sarajevo engineer working for the city, after he was shot dead by a Serb sniper while supervising the installation of an anti-sniper barricade in central Sarajevo, on May 18, 1995. (AP Photo)

Smoke and flames rise from houses set on fire by attacking Serb forces in the village of Ljuta on Sarajevo’s Mount Igman on July 22, 1993. (Reuters Photo)

Bloodstains cover the wreckage of patients’ rooms at Sarajevo’s Kosevo Hospital on June 16, 1995, after a Serbian shell slammed into it killing two and injuring six. Serb forces routinely attacked civilian targets, including schools, kindergartens and hospitals in the besieged Sarajevo. (AP Photo)

Bosniak child victim, little girl Elvedina Burek, killed in a Serb attack on Sarajevo’s Alipasino Polje neighborhood. She was one of many victims killed with modified air bombs in Sarajevo in 1995. (Ministry of Internal Affairs / International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia).

Bodies of Bosniak children in Sarajevo morgue killed by Serbs during the siege of Sarajevo. (Photographer: Maud S. Beelman). More than 1500 children were killed during the siege of Sarajevo – one of the worst episodes of the Bosnian Genocide.

A Bosniak man in Sarajevo washes blood off of stretchers used to carry the dead and wounded citizens of the besieged capital on 01 Jun 1993. Serbs terrorized and killed 10,000 people, including at least 1500 children, in the besieged Bosnian Muslim city of Sarajevo. (Photographer: Patrick Robert).

A gravedigger in the besieged Sarajevo buries the bodies of Bosniak civilians in a Muslim cemetery on January 28, 1993. During the siege of Sarajevo, Serbs killed 10,000 residents, including more than 1500 children, in one of the worst episodes of the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Antoine Gyori)

Dead Bosniak baby, Nalena Skorupan, was killed by Serbs during the siege of Sarajevo on 7 January 1994. Her only fault: she was Bosnian Muslim. More than 1500 children were killed during the Serbian terror, sniping, shelling and bombardment of the besieged Sarajevo. (Photographer: Gervasio Sánchez.)

Bodies of victims of the Sarajevo siege on June 01, 1993. Some 10,000 people lost their lives in the siege that signified one of the worst episodes of the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Patrick Robert)

Sarajevo’s cemetery “Groblje Bare” – one of many cemeteries where 10,000 victims of the siege, including at least 1500 children, were laid to rest. (Photographer: Jeff Rambles, 2010.)

Cemetery Kovači in Sarajevo is one of many places where fallen defenders of Sarajevo, including 10,000 victims of the siege of Sarajevo, were laid to rest. (Photographer: Michael Büker, 2009.)

The maternity hospital at Sveti Duh is packed due to the influx of Bosniak refugees in Zagreb, Croatia. As a result, these babies (born to rape victims) are grouped on patients beds before being turned over to CARITAS, a Catholic humanitarian organization. Photographer: Sophie Elbaz.

Victims of the 1992 Brcko massacre. Source: The International Criminal Tribunal.

Thousands of Bosniak civilians were tortured, confined, raped and/or killed in Brcko during the 1992 Bosnian Genocide.

Here are some photos that best demonstrate the brutality of deliberate, ruthless, and systematic executions coupled with vicious mass rape of women and underage girls. According to the survivors, a furnace was used to burn the bodies of killed victims.

In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Brcko. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

HORRIBLE CRIME: Bosniak woman Aziza (not her real name) is a 29-year-old mother of 3 who was raped in front of her children by Serbian troops at Brcko in 1992. After repeatedly raping her in front of her children, Serbs then urinated in her children’s mouths. During the entire month of December of 1992, the rapes continued and she was 2-months pregnant (at the time this picture was taken) and wants an abortion. There are at 25,000 documented cases of Bosnian Muslim women who were systematically raped during the Bosnian Genocide (1992-95). Photographer: Sophie Elbaz

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence, including the evidence set out in paragraphs 238 -245…..”

Mirela, 23, Bosniak girl recounts systematic rape in the Luka concentration camp during the Bosnian Genocide. She is from the town of Brcko, living in a former school turned refugee center in Tuzla, January 3, 1993. Photo credit: Nina Berman.

Photo evidence (below) courtesy of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia at the Hague (ICTY) shows Serb police officer Goran Jelisic, who gave himself a nickname of “Adolf Hitler” and “Serb Adolf”, was taking a great pleasure in killing Bosniak civilians. He couldn’t keep count how many he killed in total.

Sabina Rizvanovic, 16, her sister Senada Rizvanovic, 17, and Mirela, 23. They are three girls from Brcko who were rounded up with hundreds of other women and girls and then raped by Serb forces in Brcko. Credit: Nina Berman.

Mirela, 23 and Senada Rizvanovic, 17 – two Bosniak girls were viciously raped by Serbs in Brcko during the 1992 Bosnian Genocide. Credit: Nina Berman.

Mass graves containing the remains of the victims of genocide in Brcko.

A furnace was also used to dispose of dead bodies during the Genocide in Brcko (Bosnia, 1992.)

Emaciated prisoners in the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined in this camp, then tortured, sexually abused, maltreated, and/or killed. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (Prijedor, August 1992). Emaciated and tortured prisoners in the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined, tortured and killed in this concentration camp. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Approximately 2000 Bosniaks were killed or missing in connection with the atrocities and at Manjaca concentration camp. The camp was founded by the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) and the Bosnian Serb authorities and was surrounded by  barbed wire and explosives (mines) – as visible from the photographs. It was shut down in late 1993. About 6,000 Bosniaks and Croats passed through the camp, many were tortured at Manjaca and then sent to other camps like: Keraterm, Trnopolje, and Omarska – all located around Prijedor.

FORBIDDEN ENTRY SIGN: Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). The entrance sign to the Manjaca concentration camp reads in cyrillic letters CONCENTRATION CAMP – PROHIBITED ENTRY. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined, tortured, sexually abused and killed there. Photographer: Antoine Gyori.

In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where Keraterm concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi.”

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined, tortured and killed there. Photographer: Isabel Ellsen

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): Prisoners at the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia behind wire. Photographer: Isabel Ellsen

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): The Manjaca concentration camp was surrounded by a barbed wire and landmines. Warning sign (visible from Center to Right) written in cyrillic letters reads MINES. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): The Manjaca concentration camp was surrounded by a barbed wire and landmines. Warning sign (visible from Center to Left) attached to a barbed wire and written in cyrillic letters reads MINES. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). Inside of one of many rooms of the Manjaca concentration camp. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). Bosniak civilians brought into the Manjaca concentration camp by truck await to meet their fate. They soon realized they are not being brought to safety, but into the concentration camp where thousands of Bosniaks were tortured, sexually abused and killed. Photographer: Isabel Ellsen.

Starving and emaciated prisoners at the Manjaca concentration camp during the Bosnian Genocide in the municipality of Prijedor in August of 1992. Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey.

Bosniak civilians in the notorious Serb-run Manjaca concentration camp in north-west Bosnia, near Prijedor, during the Bosnian Genocide in August of 1992. (Credit: The International Criminal Tribunal)

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). Bosniak prisoners behind a barbed wire of the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Foča was Genocide: In a 1997 judgement against  the Serb commander Novislav Djajić, the Bavarian Appeals Chamber ruled that the killings in the Bosnian municipality of Foča in which he was involved in June 1992 constituted acts of Genocide.

The above aerial photo (Exhibit P56B, in Karadzic’s case) was taken by CIA drones in 1992 and later given to the Hague Tribunal. The image shows the practice of “selective ethnic cleansing.” On the left-hand side you can see Bosniak section of the town of Foča where genocide took place (the section is destroyed by Serbs); on the right-hand side, you can see undamaged Serb section of the town.

The Foča Genocide was a series of mass murders committed by Serb military, police and paramilitary forces against the Bosniak civilians in the Foča region of Bosnia and Herzegovina (including the towns of Gacko and Kalinovik) from April 7, 1992 to January 1994. In a 1997 judgement against Novislav Đajić, the Bavarian Appeals Chamber ruled that the killings in which he was involved in June 1992 constituted acts Genocide. 

The Foča Genocide also included the sexual component. Thousands of Bosniak women and underage girls were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions and were repeatedly raped and mistreated. There are 25,000 documented cases of rape committed against Bosnian Muslim women and girls in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague rule that Serb forces used “rape as an instrument of terror” in their ‘ethnic cleansing’ campaign.

Before ethnic cleansing, Bosniaks constituted the majority population of this municipality.  Not anymore.  Here are some of the mass graves that were excavated on a territory of Foča municipality between 1996 and 2000 (mass graves excavated after 2000 were not included in this map)

Bosnian Genocide (Foča genocide in eastern Bosnia): Chart showing exhumations carried out between 1996 and 2000 in the Foča municipality, Bosnia and Herzegovina. (Photograph provided courtesy of the ICTY).

Naser Orić

Faruk Vele  (Anadolija) - Legendarni ratni komandant odbrane Srebrenice Naser Orić ima dvije neostvarene želje.

Prvu, da u Memorijalnom centru Potočari klanja dženazu članovima svoje porodice, saborcima i ostalim žrtvama genocida i, drugu, da povede ‘Marš mira’, kolonu koja se kreće “stazom smrti”. Tom stazom su se jula 1995. godine izvlačili preživjeli Srebreničani, a u susret im je išao upravo komandant Orić sa svojim borcima.

Apsurd je u tome da je Naser Orić prije četiri godine u Haškom tribunalu pravosnažno oslobođen za ratne zločine, ali da i dalje nije slobodan građanin. Naime, u Republici Srpskoj se protiv njega i dalje vode istrage zbog navodnih zločina, pa izbjegava prelaziti entitetsku liniju.

Orić u intervjuu za agenciju Anadolija (AA), prvom opširnijem nakon duže vremena, priznaje da nikada do sada nije bio na dženazi u Potočarima, te da je to rana na njegovoj duši.

“Ti utisci i osjećanja prema Srebrenici, i onome što se tamo dogodilo, u mojoj duši se nisu promijenili od prvog dana. Stanje u mojoj duši je isto. Toliko vremena je prošlo, a ja se nisam pomjerio s mrtve tačke. Svaki put kada tražim da neka od relevantnih institucija meni potvrdi da mogu ići u Srebrenicu i tamo klanjati dženazu, odnosno biti prisutan kada se ukopavaju moji najmiliji, familija, suborci, svi koji su žrtve genocida, čeka se pet do dvanaest.

Na kraju kažu da bi, zbog mira u kući, najbolje bilo da tamo uopće ne idem! To se tako povlači iz godine u godine i ništa se ne rješava. Uglavnom odem noć uoči “Marša mira”, obratim se ljudima, sugeriram kako da se ponašaju kada se budu išli putem kuda su se ljudi izvlačili i spašavali živote. To je ono što mogu da dam. Sve drugo je ostalo na čekanju”, kaže Orić za AA.

Često se pita zašto se prema njemu tako odnose, jer ga je Haški tribunal proglasio nevinim i oslobodio odgovornosti za ratne zločine.

“S druge strane, imam upozorenja da ne idem u Srebrenicu, da nije dobro da se ja tamo pojavljujem, iako sam slobodan građanin Bosne i Hercegovine. Mislim da je sve to ispolitizirano. Sve je to poprimilo jednu političku dimenziju. Osim toga, i neke političke strukture ne žele da me vide među mojim suborcima i žele umanjiti značaj moga lika. No, na njihovu nesreću, stvara se kontraefekt kod moje, boračke populacije, kod djece šehida… Što mi više zabranjuju da se krećem, ja imam veću podršku u mom narodu”, govori Orić.

Priznaje kako ima utisak da ga stalno proganjaju zbog navodnih zločina nad Srbima. Pitamo ga do kada će to tako biti, a on odgovara kako je s tim “davno raščistio”.

“Proganjat će me dok sam živ. Ja sam stalno pod paskom. Dok sam živ njima ću biti interesantan. Jer, se Srbin ne može pomiriti s činjenicom da sam ja izašao kao pobjednik iz svega ovog što se dešavalo. Oni pokušavaju da nađu nekog ko će biti pandan njihovoj zločinačkoj strani. Kada sam ja u pitanju, to je čist promašaj. Ja se ne stidim svojih dijela. A propao je njihov pokušaj da dokažu da smo mi napravili zločine nad Srbima, pa su Srbi, kao, iritirani time, 1995. godine napravili genocid. Zaboravlja se kako smo mi u Srebrenici od 1992. godine bili u okruženju i branili se. Prije nego je ijedan Bošnjak ispalio i ijedan metak desilo se na desetine ubistava 1992. godine. Ubijeno je preko 15 hiljada Bošnjaka u Podrinju”, objašnjava Orić za agenciju Anadolija.

Podsjeća i na stradanje Bošnjaka u Višegradu, Foči, Goraždu…

“Svi su se ti užasi dogodili prije nego su Bošnjaci pružili otpor, a sada ispade da smo mi najviše zločina napravili!? Zašto? Vjerujte, samo zato što smo pružili otpor. U cijelom pojasu Drine sve su pobili i protjerali, jedino smo mi u Srebrenici opstali do 1995. godine. Zato smo bili trn u oku”, rekao je on.

Ratni zapovjednik 28. divizije 2. korpusa Armije Republike BiH obradovan je činjenicom da se, kako je informiran, njegovo ratno djelo veoma poštuje u Turskoj. Narodu Srebrenice, kako ističe, posebno znači što su ove godine “Cvijet Srebrenice”, taj simbol genocida, stavili turski premijer Recep Tayyip Erdogan, šef turske diplomatije Ahmet Davutoglu, kao i članovi njihovih porodica. Svaka podrška nam je, kako veli, itekako dobro došla, a pogotovo od sile kakva je Turska.

“Znači mi mnogo što se narod Turske saosjeća s našim narodom. Mi smo Bošnjaci, dakle, nismo Turci. Ali, Srbi su nas, kada smo bili na frontu, uvijek nazivali Turcima. Osim toga, Srbi u međusobnoj komunikaciji Bošnjake nikada ne zovu njihovim imenom, već Turcima”, prisjeća se Orić.

Komentirajući najave organiziranja čitavog niza manifestacija u povodu navodnih zločina nad Srbima u danima oko 11. jula ove godine, te koncerta u centralnoj crkvi u Srebrenici na samu godišnjicu genocida, Orić ističe da su se provokacije mogle očekivati.

“Naše sigurnosne strukture trebaju predvidjeti šta će se desiti i pobrinuti se za sigurnost ljudi. No, meni takvo ponašanje srpskih nacionalista nije strano. Ja sam ranije kao policajac živio i radio u Beogradu. Znam kako funkcioniraju. Ja sam to i očekivao. Vjerujte, takve provokacije su najblaže što oni mogu uraditi. Spremni su na daleko veće korake nego je ovo što sada čine. No, što se tiče nekih špekulacija da bi ove godine mogli biti izazvani neki incidenti kako bi to bio izgovor da naredne godine u Republici srpskoj zabrane obilježavanje godišnjice genocida u Srebrenici, mogu reći da nema toga na planeti Zemlji ko može zabraniti tom narodu, tim majkama, da obilježe godišnjicu stradanja. Ne znam da li se rodio taj čovjek koji će majaka Srebrenice reći da ne mogu ići u Srebrenicu”, tvrdi Orić.

Po njemu, razloge takvih provokacija treba tražiti u činjenicu da je nacionalizam u Srbiji i Republici Srpskoj i dalje vitalan.

“Ideja “velike Srbije” i danas živi i nikada se neće ugasiti. Nažalost, bošnjački korpus je doprinio tome da srpskim nacionalistima damo malo zeleno svjetlo da se time bave. Nismo bili posve jasni od Dejtonskog sporazuma naovamo. Dali smo im prostora da manevriraju i manipuliraju. Naravno, oni da imaju morala ne bi izvodili takve provokacije na godišnjicu genocida. Naprotiv, može se očekivati kako će se boriti svim sredstvima da omalovaže i oskrnave Srebrenicu”, odlučan je ratni komandant Srebrenice.

Nadalje, objašnjava da je fama o navodnim zločinima nad Srbima u Podrinju obična laž.

“To je propaganda koju su u Beogradu smišljali književnik Brana Crnčević i akademik Srpske akademija nauka i umetnosti (SANU) Dobrica Ćosić. Njihove laži se i danas pokušavaju dokazati. No, mi smo tu priču o zločinima nad Srbima raskrinkali u Hagu. Srpska obavještajna služba je, recimo, od seljaka srpske nacionalnosti tražila da potpisuju izjave u kojima se govori o mojim i zločinima mojih boraca. Dešavalo se da seljaci dođu na suđenje, a da nemaju pojma šta su rekli. Neki su priznali da su obavještajci sami pisali izjave, a da je njima dokument samo donošen na potpis”, priča Orić.

Sedamnaest godina nakon genocida u Srebrenici jedan od najvećih heroja Armije BiH sebi iznova postavlja pitanje da li je grad kojeg je četiri godine u nemogućim uvjetima hrabro branio morao pasti.

“Dolazili smo u Sarajevo tražiti pomoć. Vidjeli smo da dužnosnici u našim vojnim i civilnim strukturama, nažalost, nisu bili svjesni u kakvoj se mi situaciji nalazimo. Jer, mi smo upozoravali na moguću tragediju i predočavali činjenice. Mi smo od 1992. do 1995. godine uradili sve da se odbranimo. Branili smo se bez ičije pomoći i uspjeli se održati sve te godine. U Sarajevu su mislili da je proglašenjem takozvane zaštićene zone Ujedinjenih naroda (UN) problem Srebrenice riješen. No, tek tada je nastao problem. Ukazivali smo na propuste ljudi koji su predstavljali međunarodnu zajednicu. Nažalost, niko nije vjerovao da se takvo nešto može desiti”, naglašava Orić.

No, neće da vjeruje da je Srebrenica izdata i da je “jedan Bošnjak mogao da zna da će se to desi, a da ništa ne poduzme”.

“Ja sam imao priliku doći do dokumentacije koja je bila u Haškom tribunalu i koju je izuzeto Tribunal. Riječ je o dokumentaciji koju su prikupljale srpska i bošnjačka obavještajna služba, dakle, civilne i vojne strukture. Imao sam priliku da dođem i do dokumentacije koju je pripremala i bošnjačka tajna policija, odnosno Agencija za istraživanje i dokumentaciju (AID). Užasno je bilo vidjeti da su neki ljudi, umjesto da pomognu Srebrenicu, više radili na tome kako da mene kompromitiraju. Privodili su ljude, plaćali nekim mojim saborcima da pričaju protiv mene. Pravili su plan i program kako da dezinformiraju javno mnijenje o meni, da od mene naprave kriminalca, ubicu i siledžiju”, emotivno kaže Orić, te nastavlja:

“No, ja sam sve radio transparentno. Živio sam s običnim svijetom i dijelio sve sa njima, preživljavao kao i oni. Zajedno smo išli u borbe. Nažalost, umjesto da pomognu Srebrenici, pojedine bošnjačke strukture su, kao i Srbi, od mene pokušavale napraviti kriminalca i čovjeka koji je izdao Srebrenicu. To im se obilo o glavu, jer je narod srednjeg Podrinja stao uz mene. Narod je svjestan da smo mi bili prepušteni sami sebi. Mislim da se mnogo više moglo pomoći Srebrenici”.

Govoreći od nedopustivim slučajevima proganjanja i šikaniranja heroja odbrane Bosne i Hercegovine, Orić napominje da smo “mi sami krivi što smo dozvolili da nam se dešavaju takve stvari”.

“Ja sam sa svojim borcima oslobodio 900 kvadratnih kilometara teritorija države BiH. To nije samo teritoriji Srebrenice, već obuhvata i Bratunac, Vlasenicu i Zvornik. To je teritorija na kojoj smo pružali otpor. Srebrenica je, zaboravlja se, bila okupiran grad. Mi smo nju bili uspjeli osloboditi za 22 dana. Niko to neće da kaže. To zamjeram bošnjačkom korpusu. Pojedinci nisu ništa uradili, nisu ništa dali, pa im je lakše da od Nasera Orića prave kriminalca nego vojskovođu. A potporučnike i kapetane iz bivše Jugosovenske narode armije (JNA) proizvodili su u činove generala. To su bili titoisti, ljudi koji su nam ispirali mozak komunizmom i nisu vjerovali da JNA može činiti zločine nad Bošnjacima. To su stvari koji me proganjaju”, naglasio je Orić.

Žalostan je zbog činjenice da Bošnjaci, kako kaže, još nemaju izgrađenu nacionalnu svijest, niti imaju istinske vođe koji će tu svijest u njih ugraditi.

Osvrćući se na aktuelni položaj Srebrenice, Orić izražava strah da grad u kojem je izvršen genocid neće ostati u rukama Bošnjaka.

“Ako se ovako nastave ponašati bošnjački politički lideri, mislim da ćemo izgubiti Srebrenicu. Jer, Srebrenica se od bošnjačkih lidera koristi samo u dnevnopolitičke svrhe. Vidite na djelu akteulna politička zbivanja. Više se ne zna ko je u kojoj partiji, izgubila su se sva moralna pravila. U borbi za fotelju zaboravili su i Srebrenicu! To će nam se obiti o glavu. Žalosno je da se ljudi koji vode državu bore za pozicije, a zaboravljaju Srebrenicu. Ne čineći ništa, umanjuju i genocid. Svi su rekli da daju podršku za registraciju glasača u Srebrenici. A nije borba za Srebrenicu samo dati podršku i stati po strani. Mora se uraditi mnogo više. Dok se naši političari bore za pozicije, Srebrenica završava u rukama onih koji su izvršili genocid. Nije nam sad za to kriv ni Slobodan Milošević, niti Ratko Mladić. Sami smo sebi krivi. A Naser Orić je dao sve. Još samo život da dam”, rekao je Orić.

Srebrenica mora biti izdvojena iz RS

Srebrenica, smatra Orić, mora biti izdvojena iz Republike Srpske.

“Međunarodna zajednica vlada svijetom. Ako hoće, oni mogu sve. Počinjeni genocid, ako se želi, može biti adut međunarodnoj zajednici da izdvoji Srebrenicu iz RS. Kao Brčko, Srebrenica mora imati specijalni status. Mislim da bi to bilo rješenje za taj grad i molim sve ljude u svijetu, a posebno tursku diplomatiju, da pomognu da Srebrenica dobije takav status”, kazao je Orić.

Mladić neće dočekati presudu

Orić je tvrdi da je ratni zločinac Ratko Mladić odradio svoj prljavi posao za srpski narod i da se sada u Hagu podsmijeva žrtvama

“Odradio je posao za svoj narod, sada čeka mirnu smrt. Mogao je davno biti u Hagu, ali su ga, kako se ispostavilo, svi štitili. Sve obavještajne službe. Čekalo se pogodno vrijeme da ga se izruči Hagu. Lično mislim da neće Mladić dočekati presudu”, uvjeren je Orić.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Srebrenica Children Massacre (12 April 1993). Credit: The USHMM/CNN.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Srebrenica Children Massacre (12 April 1993). Credit: The USHMM/CNN.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Srebrenica Children Massacre (12 April 1993). Credit: The USHMM/CNN.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Memorial to more than 200 killed and injured in the April 1993 Srebrenica Children Massacre.

The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington D.C. provides a video clip of the aftermath of ths massacre. You can view it at this link. The U.N. inquiry concluded that the situation in the besieged Srebrenica in 1993 was a slow-motion process of genocide. All this occurred more than two years before the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide.

Uporedo sa obilježavanjem godišnjice genocida, ove godine srpska boračka udruženja Srebrenice od 07. do 12. jula obilježit će Petrovdanaske dane. Za razliku od proteklih godina, godišnjica stradanja srpskih vojnika u Bratuncu se obilježava 7., a ne 12. jula. Mnogi Srbi ukopani na vojnom groblju u nekada većinski bošnjačko-muslimanskom Bratuncu, poginuli su tijekom rata na ratištima diljem Bosne učestvujući u etničkom čišćenju, silovanjima i genocidu nad Bošnjacima.

Tri godine prije genocida u Srebrenici, Srbi su uništili 296 muslimanskih sela i pobili najmanje 3.166 Bošnjaka, uključujući žene, djecu i starce, u Srebrenici i okolnim opštinama Bratunca, Vlasenice, Rogatice i Višegrada. Već 1993, U.N. je zaključio da se odvija usporeni proces genocida u Srebrenici. U julu 1995, Srbi su sistematski strijeljali preko 8,000 bošnjačkih dječaka i muškaraca, a na stotine žena i djevojčica brutalno silovali.

Organizacioni odbor za obilježavanje 17. godišnjice genocida u Srebrenici saopštio je da su obavljene sve pripreme za komemorativni skup koji će biti održan 11. jula u Memorijalnom centru u Potočarima kod Srebrenice. Tog dana će biti ukupano 520 identifikovanih žrtava, među kojima su šest maloljetnih osoba i tri žene.

Organizacioni odbor za obilježavanje godišnjice genocida, istakao je da ove godine srpska populacija u Srebrenici i Bratuncu prvi put istovremeno organizuje obilježavanje “Petrovdanskih dana”.

Organizacioni odbor ocijenio je da program koji sadrži fudbalski turnir, koncerte i druge aktivnosti, a koji će se odvijati u vrijeme kada će u Srebrenici biti oko 30.000 članova porodica, preživjelih žrtava, duboko vrijeđa osjećanja žrtava i može izazvati ozbiljne sigurnosne probleme na cijelom području opštine Srebrenica, navodi se u saopštenju Organizacionog odbora.

- Mi ne možemo da garantujemo sigurnost, ako se u toku dolaska porodica, koje će kopati svoje najmilije dešava fudbalski turnir na kome će se neko napiti, donijeti neke zastave, provocirati – izjavio je Ćamil Duraković, predsednik Organizacionog odbora.

- Ovo je sramota da se 11. jula, kada ukopavamao svoju braću, djecu, očeve, organizuju “Petrovdanski dani”. Sljedeće godine vjerovatno će festival prebaciti u same Potočare – rekao je Predsjednik Koordinacionog tima Građanske inicijative “Glasat ću za Srebrenicu” Emir Suljagić.

REAKCIJE

VIDEO 1: Juli 6, 2012.

VIDEO 2: Juli 7, 2012.

PHOTO #1: Three years before the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide, Serb forces killed more than 3,000 Bosniak (Muslim) women, children and elderly around Srebrenica. The killings continued from April 1992 and up until the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995 when additional 8,000 men and boys were lined up and executed. In this April 15, 1993 file photo, a nurse tends to 12-year-old Sead Bekric in a hospital in Tuzla, Bosnia-Herzegovina, after Serb attack on the elementary school in the besieged Srebrenica blinded him and killed dozens of youth and children. (Photo/Karsten Thielker)

The international courts have repeatedly ruled that the July 1995 massacre of 8,000 Bosniak men and boys at Srebrenica constituted Genocide. Approximately 500 children were killed in the Srebrenica massacre. The Hague Tribunal also ruled that genocide was committed in six other municipalities of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the Court rejected the defendant’s “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi….”

According to Daniel Toljaga, expert member of Canadian Institute for the Research of Genocide, in the first three months of the Bosnian war and,

“More than three years before the 1995 Srebrenica genocide, Bosnian Serb nationalists – with the logistical, moral and financial support of Serbia and the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) – destroyed 296 predominantly Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) villages in the region around Srebrenica, forcibly uprooting some 70,000 Bosniaks from their homes and systematically massacring at least 3,166 Bosniaks including many women, children and the elderly.”

PHOTO #2 ↓ : Hair braids and the remains of a Bosniak child in the Zaklopača mass grave. Bosnian Forensic experts Murat Hurtic, left, and Vedo Tuco, right, inspect body remains on mass-grave site in the village of Zaklopaca in the municipality of Vlasenica, adjoining to the municipality of Srebrenica,  on May 12, 2004. Mass grave in Zaklopaca has been discovered by Bosnian Commission for Missing Persons and is considered to be secondary mass-grave containing bodies of 72 persons that were executed on 16 May 1992. Among 72 bodies, it is suspected that there are 16 children, age 3-16 and 10 women. The site is a so-called secondary grave, where bodies initially buried elsewhere were dumped. One of survivors of this massacre was Nihada Hodzic, interviewed by Daniel Toljaga at this link.

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PHOTO #3 ↓ : Aftermath of the April 1993 Srebrenica Children Massacre. Photo shows a truck full of badly wounded Bosniak children who survived the Children Massacre at Srebrenica. Source: The US Holocaust Memorial Museum in collaboration with Christiane Amanpour of CNN.

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PHOTO #4 ↓ : Remains of a pregnant Bosniak woman (name: Zekira Begic-Hrustenbasic) and her unborn baby excavated from the mass grave Suha in Srebrenica region, near Bratunac. They were in May of 1992, more that three years before the Srebrenica genocide. Baby’sundeveloped head, fingers, and legs are clearly visible. The massacre was committed by Serb soldiers around Srebrenica in 1992, more than 3 years before the Srebrenica genocide. The mass grave Suha contained bodies of 30 Bosniak women and 8 children with the youngest child being 2 years old.  Source: Human Rights NGO Truth for Justice, Tuzla.

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PHOTO #5 ↓ : Approximately 500 children died in the Srebrenica Genocide according to the NGO “Women of Srebrenica”. (See list of all children in Bilten of Srebrenica #41). Source: “Women of Srebrenica”

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PHOTO #6 ↓ : Twenty feet deep and a hundred feet long Pilica farm mas grave was excavated by forensic pathologists in 1996. Bosnian Genocide victims were blindfolded with hands tied behind their back before execution. Photo by Gilles Peress.

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PHOTO #7 ↓ :  Different types of ligatures were used to bind and then systematically execute 8,372 Srebrenica genocide victims in July 1995. The above is an example from PLC mass grave. Exhibit P129/67, Krstic trial. Photo courtesy: UN War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague, Netherlands.

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PHOTO #8 ↓ : Exhumation site of Bosnian Genocide victims shows mounds of bodies in the Cancari Valley in eastern Bosnia near Srebrenica. 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were lined up and executed after the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995. Source: International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

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PHOTO #9 ↓ : Blindfolded Srebrenica genocide victim in the Kozluk primary grave. Exhibit P642.15, Milosevic trial. The 1995 Srebrenica massacre was the last major Serbian atrocity against the Bosniak people. Photo courtesy: UN War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague.

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PHOTO #10 ↓ :  Aerial (Satellite) view taken on 13 July 1995 showing a large group of Bosniak prisoners from Srebrenica awaiting execution. Buses used to transport the Bosniaks to the execution sites are clearly visible. Images taken by CIA spy drones and provided to the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague.

Spomenik žrtama Genocida u Srebrenici. (Izmir, Turska)

Anadolija — U znak sjećanja na genocid u Srebrenici, u izmirskoj općini Buca je izgrađen spomenik „Srebrenica“, visok 11 metara, čije otvorenje je planirano 11. Jula ove godine, na dan obilježavanja godišnjice ovog trgičnog događaja u BiH.

Načelnik općine Buca Ercan Tati je u izjavi za agenciju Anadolija istakao da je cilj ovog spomenika „da se ne zaboravi Srebrenica“ i dodao kako je izgradnja ovog spomenika još jedan znak suosjećanja sa majkama i preživjelim Bošnjacima iz Srebrenice.

Tati je podsjetio da u Izmiru živi veliki broj Bošnjaka koji su bili inicijatori projekta koji će predstavljati i opomenu da se ovakvo zlo ne zaboravi i ne ponovi.

Načelnik Tati je kazao da se trenutno uređuje prostor oko spomenika u kojem će biti postavljeni specijalni zvučni i svjetlosni efekti. Pored spomenika će biti postavljen veliki ekran na kojemu će biti emitovani dokumentarni filmovi, priče, pjesme i drugi sadržaji o genocidu u Srebrenici. Ovaj kompleks će biti otvoren non-stop za posjetioce.

Načelnik izmirske općine je kazao da je prošle sedmice posjetio BiH i da je tom prilikom informisao javnost i zvaničnike o otvorenju ovog spomen-obilježja.

Posebno su prijatno iznenađene majke stradalih srebreničkih Bošnjaka. Jedna majka mi je rekla da tamo žive ljudi koji žele zlo Bošnjacima. Njen otac je ubijen 1902., brat 1942., muž joj je ubijen 1947. godine, a dvoje njene djece 1992. Ubice su iste.

Majke Srebrenice su nas zamolile da na spomeniku ne napišemo ‘zločin’, jer se tamo ustvari desio ‘genocid’. Mi ćemo provjeriti, i ukoliko ne bude zakonskih prepreka ovaj spomenik ćemo nazvati ‘Spomenik genocida’“, rekao je načelnik Tati.

Ističući želju da se identičan spomenik izgradi i u Potočarima, Tati je kazao da je on podnio službene zahtjeve za takav projekat i da će, ukoliko bude izdata dozvola za izgradnju, spomenik biti izgrađen sljedeće godine.

Victims of the Omarska concentration camp. Image by deconcrete (Memorial in Exile)

The Omarska was another Serb-run concentration camp near Prijedor, one of seven municipalities where genocide had taken place between 1992-1995 Bosnian war, according to the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were detained, tortured, raped, and or killed or went missing (many were later found in dozens of mass graves scattered around Prijedor.

Fact Check: Bosnian Genocide has legal backing: In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where Keraterm concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi….”

PHOTO #1: Here we see a screenshot from the video material used by the International Criminal Tribunal which shows an emaciated dying Bosniak prisoner in the Omarska concentration camp near Prijedor (August 1992). Bosnian Genocide was marked by systematic torture in concentration camps, mass rape of women and girls, widespread ethnic cleansing and genocidal execution of a Bosniak majority on a territory claimed by Serbs.

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PHOTO #2: Bosniak civilians in the Omarska concentration cam, August of 1992. Here we see prisoners arriving on a “staged lunch” in front of western cameras. Serb leadership wanted to fool the world into believing that prisoners are fine and safe from abuses. Survivors of this camp would later testify about the horrifying conditions in this camp. “The men pointed at a passing dog and ordered Ranko to shoot it, which he did. As the dog lay dying, they screamed at Ranko, asking him if he was a good Serb and telling him that if he could shoot a dog, then he could shoot a Muslim. Yes, yes, he was a good Serb. He closed his eyes and pulled the trigger,” – described former Serb soldier. Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). 

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PHOTO #3: Armed guards oversee staged lunch in the Omarska concentration camp. Ian Williams, ITN screenshot, 6 August 1992.

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PHOTO #4: Emaciated and starving Bosniak civilian prisoners during a “staged lunch” in the Omarska Concentration Camp in August of 1992 lunch. Photo courtesy: The Hague Tribunal.

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PHOTO #5: Emaciated skin-and-bones Bosniak prisoner in the Omarska concentration camp in August of 1992. Source: Penny Marshall, ITN screenshot, 6 August 1992.

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PHOTO #6: Bosniak civilians in the Omarska concentration camp during a staged lunch in August of 1992. Armed guard with a weapon is seen in the background. Photo courtesy: The Hague Tribunal.

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PHOTO #7. Aerial view of the Omarska concentration camp. Thousands of Bosniak  civilians were interned, tortured, raped, and killed in this camp during the Bosnian Genocide (1992-95). Source: The International Criminal Tribunal.

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PHOTO #8: Another aerial view of the notorious Omarska concentration camp in Bosnia. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were interned, tortured, raped, and killed in this camp during the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. Source: The Hague Tribunal.

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PHOTO #9: Entrance to the Omarska concentration camp. Many did not come out alive or were executed in front of the camp. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were interned, tortured, raped, and killed in this camp during the Bosnian Genocide. Source: The International Criminal Tribunal.

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PHOTO #10: On the left is Zina (77 years old), survivor of the Omarska concentration camp. She is comforted by an unknown visitor to the site of the camp. Credit: Borut Peterlin, 2008.

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence, including the evidence set out in paragraphs 238 -245. The scale and pattern of the attacks, their intensity, the substantial number of Muslims killed in the seven municipalities, the detention of Muslims, their brutal treatment in detention centres and elsewhere, and the targeting of persons essential to the survival of the Muslims as a group are all factors that point to genocide.”

PHOTO #1. The building of the Keraterm concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were interned, tortured, raped and killed in this camp. Source: International Criminal Tribunal.

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PHOTO #2: Muhamed Klipic, 21 from Prijedor, Bosnia. Following the Serb attack on Prijedor, Klipic was taken to the Keraterm concentration camp where he witnessed rape and was tortured. Photographed at a refugee camp in Posusje, Bosnia December 26, 1992. His mother Adila said her son has lost his mind and has regressed back to a small child. Source: Nina Berman.

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PHOTO #3: Survivor of the Keraterm concentration camp, Muhamed Klipic, described what happened to him: “I was in a camp 3 months and 10 days in Keraterm. They beat me on my face and my hands. I was standing in the corner. They had guns pointed at me. They brought in a 12-year-old boy, a Serbian child. He beat me with an iron bar. Two or three days they beat me. They also brought in a girl, a Muslim (Bosniak) girl. They forced me to rape her. First they raped her and then we had to rape her. ” Source: Nina Berman

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PHOTO #4: Monument to the victims of the Keraterm concentration camp reads: “On this location, in May of 1992, death camp ‘Keraterm’ was established where over 3,000 innocent people from Prijedor were detained, tortured or killed. Until August of 1992 in the Keraterm camp, more than 300 people were killed or missing from this camp.” 

Information for visitors:
Visits are by appointment only on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays: you cannot access it on your own, but as part of organised tours from the Tourist Office of Konjic. Tel: +387 61726030

The secrets of one of the most intriguing figures of the old communist bloc are laid bare in this underground nuclear bunker in Bosnia-Herzegovina that’s now open to the public

By Caludio Agostoni, Parallelzero
Gulf News 

In the ranking of top-secret military sites in the countries that comprised the former Yugoslavia, bunker number D-0 in the town of Konjic, 50km south-west of the capital Sarajevo, was the most important.

To get to D-0 from Sarajevo it’s just an hour’s drive and as cheap as €50 (Dh230) if you can find a cooperative taxi driver. After passing the village of Konjicsi, we continued along the Neretva River for a few miles, then crossed a bridge where we were faced with a barrier and a nondescript house. Displaying the documents authorising our visit enabled us to reach an even more anonymous second house that hides the entrance to the Atomska Ratna Komanda (ARK), the bunkers built for Josip Broz Tito, former leader of Yugoslavia, even though he never so much as set foot there.

A colossal building, its construction began in 1953 and ended in 1979, a year before Tito’s death. The whole complex sprawls across 611 square metres, dug 300 metres into a mountain. The cost of this work was astronomical – nearly $5 billion (Dh18 billion). It was created to save the entire Yugoslavian ruling class from a nuclear attack. It was built to withstand an attack with bombs up to 25 kilotons – far more powerful than the ones that were dropped on Hiroshima.

In the event of an attack, the bunker could accommodate President Tito, his family and his closest collaborators – about 350 people. From here it would be possible to govern the country, or what was left of it. It’s a kind of labyrinth, a complex of residential areas, conference rooms, offices, halls for strategic planning, a ‘presidential bloc’ and other sections. The construction of the tunnel was done in total secrecy. Teams of workers often changed so no one would know too much about the bunker, and workers were brought there blindfolded so they wouldn’t know its exact location.

Once it was finished, only four generals were allowed to enter. Sixteen soldiers took care of maintenance: nine Serbs and seven Bosnian Croats. When Yugoslavia fell apart just before the war in Bosnia, Serbs and Croats largely dismantled military installations in this region with its mountainous and little-used routes.

What could not be broken down, like the largest underground military airport near Bihac, the Serbs have blown up. In 1992 the Serbian high command in Belgrade gave the order to destroy the bunker in Konjic. It was a Bosniak military guard who sabotaged the operation, saving everything. Since then, the building, with all its signs and symbols, its furnishings and its instruments, has been fully preserved.

Visiting the bunker now, the first thought that comes to mind is that this construction is a huge monument to Tito. We are greeted by large colour photos of the president in his black uniform with gold badges and a chest covered with medals. In Bosnia and Herzegovina respect for his memory is preserved, even today. The main street of Sarajevo is still devoted to him, and 12 years ago when the government planned to change the name, there were street demonstrations to prevent it.

The enduring respect for the Marshal of the Bosnians is witnessed by one of the most popular bars in the capital, which in addition to bearing his name, is furnished only with old Tito memorabilia. Statues of his bust are on display, as are calendars, old magazines and newspaper articles, stamps, coins and bags of sugar. All these objects, however, cannot compete with the relics housed at the Atomska Ratna Komanda bunker. Here, admirers and other visitors will find not only what would have been his bed and a bathroom complete with bidet and the Presidential PBX – an internal phone exchange – but also his wife’s wig, made of hair donated by women from across the whole of Yugoslavia.

As well as Tito nostalgia there are also some examples of retro design, with everything firmly dated and perfectly preserved. Furniture covered with Formica. Pristine toilets manufactured in Banja Luka, Bosnia-Herzegovina’s second-largest city. The conference room with 72 seats upholstered in a mustard shade. Two air conditioning systems – one that was set aside just for Tito’s accommodation – that even today maintain a temperature of 23-24 degrees and 60 per cent humidity. Huge shelves holding gaskets, screws, drills, light bulbs and hammers. There are also old tape recorders and dozens of Siemens telexes.

There is an old contraption that allows you to record and play back your voice, an ancestor of modern recorders. An array of vintage analog technology is on display, most notably, the ‘red phone’, which is seen in so many spy movies. These telephones are considered the true icons of Tito’s Yugoslavia. They were produced by the Iskra (‘spark’) company, an electronic equipment manufacturer in Slovenia from the Sixties to the Nineties.

The bunker is now a venue for a biennial of contemporary art. Prompted by the letters in the code of the bunker, the project has been dubbed D-0 ARK Underground. There is irony in the fact that the bunker, designed and built strictly to accommodate a small circle of the elite, has been reborn and is open to all.

TAKE A LOOK AT MORE PHOTOS OF THE UNDERGROUND NUCLEAR BUNKER IN BOSNIA >>>

Partners in the Bosnian Genocide: Radovan Karadzic, Slobodan Milosevic, Momir Bulatovic.

According to Dr. Marko Hoare, who worked for the International Criminal Tribunal as a researcher, decision to acquit Radovan Karadzic on 1 count of genocide is contradictory, because earlier decision in Milosevic trial proved genocide occurred in 7 Bosnian municipalities. The Trial judges then concluded:

“On 16 June 2004, in ‘Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milosevic: Decision on Motion for Judgement of Acquittal’, the Trial Chamber refused to acquit Milosevic on the same grounds, and ruled:

246. On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence…”

Read Dr. Hoare’s reaction on his official blog >>>

Anadolija – Panbošnjaštvo nužan je uvjet očuvanja bošnjačkog identiteta, ne samo u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao matičnoj državi, nego u regionu i dijaspori, poručeno je na naučnom skupu posvećenom položaju Bošnjaka u BiH i regionu, a u kontekstu evropskih i euroatlanskih integracija, koji je danas održan u Banjoj Luci.

Predstavnici javnog, političkog i vjerskog života bošnjačkog naroda pokušali su danas dati odgovore na neka od ključnih pitanja vezana za položaj Bošnjaka u BiH i regionu, ali i o tome kakvo će mjesto zauzeti u “Evropi bez granica”.

U tom kontekstu razmatran je i status Bošnjak u RS, koji se prema riječima predsjednika nevladine organizacije Bošnjački pokret za ravnopravnost naroda Sejfudina Tokića, drastično razlikuje u normativnom i realnom stanju.

Predsjednik Bošnjačke akamedije nauka i umjetnosti (BANU), akademik prof. dr. Ferid Muhić istakao je da “postoji hronična i ozbiljna kriza bošnjačkog identiteta koja je osjetna kako u BiH tako i u cijelom regionu”.

Prema njegovim riječima, iako je “ime Bošnjak staro osam stoljeća, lokalno stanovništvo se i danas ne identificira kao bošnjačko”.

Glavni muftija Islamske zajednice u Srbiji Muamer ef. Zukorlić, govoreći o položaju Bošnjaka u Sandžaku, istakao je da vlasti u Srbiji decenijama sustavno rade na ugrožavanju njihovog nacionalnog i vjerskog identiteta.

“Osim malo svjetla koje smo ugledali u periodu dok je premijer Srbije bio mučki ubijeni Zoran Đinđić, i Beograd, ali i Podgorica, čine sve kako bi reduirali naša prava i našu autohtonost”, naglasio je Zukorlić.

Osim napada na Islamsku zajednicu u Srbiji Zukorlić je posebno upozorio na probleme s kojima se susreće Internacionalni univerzitet, osnovan 2002. godine u Novom Pazaru, samo zbog toga što “školuje vlastitu intelektualnu elitu”.

Zukorlić je izrazio uvjerene da će “novoizabrana vlast u Srbiji shvatiti šta su radili njihovi prethodnici, a što nije bilo dobro za Sandžak i Srbiju”.

“Nestabilnost i mnoga otvorena pitanja u Sandžaku nisu u interesu Srbije”, poručio je Zukorlić.

Učesnici naučnog skupa usvojili su i Deklaraciju u kojoj se, između ostalog, navodi da će se zalagati za osiguranje načela pravne jednakosti svih građana BiH na njenoj cijeloj teritoriji, uspostavljanje funkcionalne države u kojoj će u procesu glasanja biti otklonjene entoteritorijalne blokade, izmjenu izbornog sistema BiH kojom bi se omogućilo da Predsjedništvo BiH bude birano na cijeloj teritoriji BiH, te za punu podršku i solidarnost s Bošnjacima izvan granica BiH u ostvarivanju njihovih individualnih i nacionalnih prava.

Slobodan Milošević u društvu Radovana Karadžića i Momira Bulatovića

Slobodanu Miloševiću je dokazan genocid! Haški tribunal zanemario da je ranije dokazan genocid u Srebrenici, Brčkom, Prijedoru…

Anadolija — Sudsko vijeće Haškog tribunala, kojim je predsjedavao korejski sudija O-Gon Kwon, donijelo je u četvrtak međupresudu u kojoj je ocijenilo da nema dovoljno dokaza da su srpske snage pod vodstvom ratnog zločinca Radovana Karadžića izvršile genocid u općinama Bratunac, Foča, Ključ, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica i Zvornik, iako je međupresudom od 16. juna 2004. godine preminuli bivši predsjednik SR Jugoslavije i Srbije Slobodan Milošević proglašen krivim za genocid u sedam bh. općina.

Naime, Milošević je u junu 2004. godine tražio da se iz optužnice za Bosnu i Hercegovinu brišu tačke 1 i 2 kojima se on teretio za genocid i saučesništvo u genocidu.

Pretresno vijeće kojim je predsjedavao sudija Patrick Robinson odbacilo taj Miloševićev zahtjev, navodeći kako je dokazano da je “postojao udruženi zločinački poduhvat s ciljem da se počini genocid”, kao i da su – prema do tad prezentiranim dokazima – učesnici tog poduhvata zaista počinili genocid u Brčkom, Prijedoru, Sanskom Mostu, Srebrenici, Bijeljini, Ključu i Bosanskom Novom!

Većinom glasova, Sudsko vijeće je tada zaključilo da je Milošević “bio učesnik u udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu, zajedno s tadašnjim vodstvm bosanskih Srba”.

Zanimljivo je da je u Sudskom vijeću u slučaju “Milošević” bio i korejski sudija O-Gon Kwon, koji je danas predsjedavajući Sudskog vijeća u predmetu “Karadžić”.

Međutim, on je i tada izdvojio svoje mišljenje, smatrajući kako “nije izvan razumne sumnje dokazano da je optuženi Milošević djelovao s namjerom da se Bošnjaci unište, u cjelini ili dijelom, kao etnička i vjerska grupa”.

Tačno osam godina kasnije O-Gon Kwon je u slučaju “Karadžić” nametnuo svoj stav da u sedam bh. općina nije počinjen genocid.

Na činjenicu da je u slučaju “Milošević” donesena osuđujuća međupresuda za genocid, upozorio je i prvi komandant Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, penzionisani general Sefer Halilović, kojeg je Haški tribunal oslobodio odgovornosti za ratne zločine u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Za njega je iznenađujuća odluka Sudskog vijeća Haškog tribunala da nema dovoljno dokaza da su srpske snage izvršile genocid u općinama Bratunac, Foča, Ključ, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica i Zvornik.

“Očekivao sam da će presuda u slučaju ‘Milošević’ biti dovoljna Sudskom vijeću da ostane pri stavu da je u više bh. općina izvršen genocid. Ne znam zašto se Haško tužilaštvo nije pozivalo na odluku u slučaju “Milošević”. Jer, nije nedostajalo pravnih argumenata da se Radovan Karadžić osudi za genocid više gradova u Bosni i Hercegovini”, kazao je general Halilović.

Na pitanje da li ima utisak da, ipak, iza svega stoji politika, Sefer Halilović odgovara:

“Po meni, ovo je bilo za očekivati s obzirom da je predsjedavajući Sudskog vijeća, korejski sudija O-Gon Kwon od početka pokazivao simpatije prema Srbima. S druge strane, bosanska diplomatija je zakazala. Morala je biti aktivnija. Jer, svaki put kada smo mi neaktivni, to odlično iskoristi diplomatija Srbije. A nema sumnje da je Srbija diplomatski djelovala kako bi bila donesena ovakva odluka. Ja sam bio svjedok kako je ranije radila srbijanska diplomatija”, tvrdi Halilović.

Nadalje, on smatra da se nešto slično ne bi smjelo dogoditi i u slučaju Ratka Mladića, te da bi u tom postupku morale biti ispravljene sve dosadašnje greške. Apelira i na Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova BiH da se aktivnije uključi u ovaj slučaj.

Pretresno vijeće Haškog tribunala djelomično je prihvatilo zahtjev Radovana Karadžića po pravilu 98 bis i donijelo oslobađajuću presudu po tački 1. optužnice, koja je bivšeg predsjednika Republike Srpske teretila za genocid u sedam bosanskohercegovačkih općina. Drugi zahtjevi optuženog su odbijeni, tako da Karadžiću ostaje da izvodi svoje dokaze po ostalih 10 tačaka optužnice, uključujući i onu koja ga tereti za genocid u Srebrenici.

Anadolija — Roy Gutman, ugledni američki novinar i publicista [jevrejskog porijekla], i jedan od novinara koji je tokom agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu boravio u Sarajevu, prokomentirao je za agenciju Anadolija (AA) odluku Haškog tribunala prema kojoj nema dovoljno dokaza o odgovornosti Radovana Karadžića za genocid u sedam bh. općina.

Gutman je napomenuo da je iznenađen ovakvom odlukom Haškog tribunala.

“Zaista sam zatečen ovom odlukom. Nisu obratili pažnju na Konvenciju o genocidu koja bi sigurno pomogla prilikom razmatranja čitavog slučaja. Umjesto toga Tribunal je djelovao po pravilu udruženog zločinačkog poduhvata. To sudsko pravilo tretira svakog člana odgovornim za zločine koje je počinila određena grupa ili zajednica. Mislim da je sud trebao tretirati ovaj slučaj kao zaseban”, riječi su dobitnika Pulitzerove nagrade.

Gutman ističe da je nekada teško shvatiti cjelokupan zločin koji se desio, jer se moraju predočiti svi postojeći dokazi i dokumentacija. A uvijek je lakše dokazati manje krivice.

Američki novinar tvrdi da postoje dokazi kojima bi se moglo dokazati da su zločini počinjeni u ostalim gradovima, osim Srebrenice, čin genocida.

“Naravno da postoje dobri dokazi kojima bi se mogo dokazati počinjeni genocid. Mislim da postoje konkretni i snažni dokazi za dokazivanje genocida u ostalim općinama, dakle, osim Srebrenice. U tim gradovima su postojali koncentracioni logori gdje su dovođeni nevini civili nad kojima su vršene razne torture i mučenje, a mnogi su i ubijeni. To je postala jedna rutina u tim zloglasnim mjestima. Također, postojali su zloglasni logori u kojima su silovane žene. Sve to jasno potvrđuje veliko nasilje koje je izvršeno na tim mjestima, a što se nije desilo slučajno. Ovo su dva korektna primjera, a osim toga izvršen je kulturocid, rušene su ustanove, džamije… ”, ocijenio je Gutman.

Nadalje, on je napomenuo da sve ovo jasno govori da je cilj bio da se istrijebi čitav jedan narod, to jeste da se pokuša spriječiti da jedan narod nastavi da se reproducira i da živi na prostorima BiH.

“Kao što vidite, takvi gnusni zločini su vršeni na jedan sistemski i organiziran način što jasno asocira na genocid”, dodao je Gutman.

Na pitanje zašto je sud u Hagu donio ovakvu odluku Gutman je izjavio:

“Moje mišljenje je da je prethodna presuda Međunarodnog sud pravde (ICJ) utjecala na ovu odluku jer su zaključili da ICJ nije okvalificirao sve zločine u BiH kao genocid. Zato pretpostavljam da je ova odluka donesena na osnovu prethodne odluke ICJ-a kada nije donesena odluka o genocidu”.

No, podsjeća da sudije ICJ nisu imali pristup cjelokupnoj dokumentaciji jugoslavenskih vlasti o počinjenim zločinima u bh. gradovima. Kaže da postoji mogućnost da je tadašnja odluka suda donesena na osnovu nedovoljnih dokaznih dokumenata, pa čak i na osnovu neznanja jer nisu imali najosnovniju dokaznu dokumentaciju.

“Ova odluka je slična presudi ICJ-a. Najveća misterija je to zašto je sada donesena ovakva odluka. Ne znamo prave motive sudija, ali znamo šta su oni u konačnici odlučili. Odluka Haškog tribunala bi se mogla protumačiti i kao politički motivirana, ali opet nismo baš najsigurniji šta su bili stvarni motivi iza ovakve odluke”, ističe Gutman.

On se pita zašto je ovaj Haški tribunal uopće osnovan i šta je njegova primarna funkcija.

“Ako je cilj suda samo da dokaže krivicu pojedinaca, onda se Sud udaljava od stvarne uloge koja mu je namijenjena. Prošlo je skoro 20 godina od osnivanja suda. Mislite li da je sud osnovan samo da utvrdi pojedinačnu krivnju za počinjene zločine u BiH”, pita američki novinar.

Gutman napominje da je važno da se donose presude ratnim zločincima.

“I dalje će se nastaviti sudski procesi, što može biti velika utjeha za porodice žrtava. Sigurno da ovo ne može biti utjeha za svu bol koju osjećaju porodice žrtava, ali, ipak, može donekle biti satisfakcija za bol koju osjećaju. Mislim da je sud u slučaju “Karadžić”, zaista, donio jednu diskutabilnu odluku. Ali, ako razmišljamo pragmatički, rezultat bi svakako bio isti. Jer, zločinci će, na kraju, završiti u zatvorskim ćelijama do kraja svog života”, poručuje Gutman.

Na pitanje šta će biti upisano u knjige historije, on je istakao:

“Mislim da se historija treba tumačiti prema historijskim činjenicama. Tribunal donosi odluke, ali i historičari će ispričati svoju stranu priče. Pa, čak i kada sud donese odluku da se nije desio genocid, to ne mora značiti da se tamo zaista nije desio genocid. Ja lično mislim da se u tim bh. gradovima desio genocid”

Gutman je dobitnik Pulitzerove nagrade za izvještavanje u BiH i autor knjige “Svjedok genocida”, prema kojoj su i danas okrenuti svi istraživači genocida kao najrelevantnijoj knjizi o stradanjima 1992. i 1993. godine.

Koncentracioni logor Keraterm kod Prijedora.

Identificirano 12 žrtava stradalih na području Prijedora 1992. godine
Jedna od najvećih masovnih grobnica na ovom području

TVSA — U Centru za obdukciju i identifikaciju Šejkovača u Sanskom Mostu identificirano je 12 žrtava stradalih na području Prijedora 1992. godine i u logoru Keraterm.

Glasnogovornica Instituta za nestale osobe BiH Lejla Čengić kazala je Feni da je riječ o civilima bošnjačke nacionalnosti od 20 do 67 godina.

Prema njenim riječima, ove žrtve ekshumirane su uglavnom iz masovne grobnice Jakarina Kosa u mjestu Ljubija na području Prijedora iz koje su 2001. godine ekshumirane 373 žrtve.

Riječ je o jednoj od najvećih masovnih grobnica na području Prijedora.

Identificirani su:

1. Mustafa (Refik) Softić, rođen 24.12.1964. u Prijedoru;
2. Esad (Hasan) Štrkonjić, rođen 31.3.1954. u Kozarcu;
3. Eniz (Nazif) Ališković, rođen 5.11.1968. u mjestu Rakovčani, općina Prijedor;
4. Emin (Hilmija) Duratović, rođen 5.2.1956. u mjestu Rizvanovići, općina Prijedor;
5. Muhamed (Rizah) Kadić, rođen 1.1.1962. u mjestu Bišćani, općina Prijedor;
6. Asim (Muho) Žerić, rođen 20.6.1925. u mjestu Hambarine, općina Prijedor;
7. Samir (Hamzalija) Karagić, rođen 26.4.1972. u Prijedoru;
8. Mirsad (Muhamed) Crnkić, rođen 16.12.1951. u Prijedoru;
9. Kemal (Hase) Kahteran, rođen 3.7.1952. u mjestu Zecovi, općina Prijedor;
10. Rasim (Mustafa) Sušić, rođen 7.12.1934. u mjestu Čarakovo, općina Prijedor;
11. Husein (Smajo) Zahirović, rođen 19.5.1940. u mjestu Čarakovo, općina Prijedor;
12. Mehmed (Husein) Hopovac rođen 6.2.1941. godine u mjestu Čarakovo, općina Prijedor.

Tri godine prije pada Srebrenice, “samo te 1992. godine je preko 3.500 Bošnjaka poginulo u srednjem Podrinju.” – Naser Orić

Odgovornost Srbije je nesporna, smatra Orić

Anadolija — Ratni komandant Armije BiH u Srebrenici Naser Orić zatečen je jučerašnjom presudom Sudskog vijeća Haškog tribunala prema kojoj nema dovoljno dokaza da su srpske, agresorske, snage pod vodstvom Radovana Karadžića izvršile genocid u općinama Bratunac, Foča, Ključ, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica i Zvornik.

No, bez obzira na odluku Sudskog vijeća kojim predsjedava sudija O-Gon Kvon, Orić, ipak, vjeruje u Haški tribunal, pravičnost suđenja, te da će se, na kraju, greške biti ispravljene. Vjeruje kako je moguće da su po srijedi “poseban plan i strategije”. U svakom slučaju, na kraju, očekuje ispravnu i zakonitu odluku u slučaju Radovana Karadžića. Jer, sve sudije moraju braniti pravičnost Haškog tribunala.

Kada je u pitanju genocid u drugim bh. gradovima, osim Srebrenice, tvrdi da se on nesporno dogodio.

“Za pravnike i sudije nema nikakvih dilema da je počinjen genocid i u drugim bh. gradovima, posebno onim u Podrinju. Samo je stvar političke prirode da li to neko želi da prizna ili ne. A to je druga stvar. S pravne strane gledajući, nema se tu šta pričati”, kazao je Orić za agenciju Anadolija (AA).

Važno je znati, napominje on, da je izvršenje genocida bio dugotrajan proces.

“Genocid nije učinjen samo 1995. godine u Srebrenici. Genocid je trajao od 1992. godine. Samo te 1992. godine je preko 3.500 Bošnjaka poginulo u srednjem Podrinju. U osnovnoj školi “Vuk Karadžić” u Bratuncu je, recimo, ubijeno 60 ljudi, oko 70 ljudi je ubijeno u Glogovoj kod Bratunca. Donesene su presude u predmetu Miroslava Deronjića, gdje je on priznao te zločine. To su pokazatelji da se usporeni genocid odvijao od 1992. do 1995. godine kada je genocid eskalirao u Srebrenici”, objašnjava Orić.

Upitan da prokomentira stavove kako je posljednja odluka Haškog tribunala rezultat nastojanja međunarodne zajednice da izađe u susret Srbiji, čija bi odgovornost, presuđivanjem Karadžića za genocid, bila neupitna, Orić kaže:

“Što se tiče odgovornosti Srbije za genocid, prije ili kasnije će se potvrditi da je ona učestvovala u tome. Kroz razne presude Haškog tribunala i presude sudova na nižim razinama, to je već očigledno. Drugo, ko je potpisao Dejtonski sporazum? Nije potpisao predsjednik Republike Srpske, već predsjednik Srbije. To je osnovno pitanje. Neka mi neko odgovori zašto je to uradio predsjednik tadašnje SR Jugoslavije Slobodan Milošević, ako Srbija nije imala veze sa s agresijom na BiH”, ističe Orić za AA.

Sa Bošnjacima Podrinja je, kako veli, bio i bit će do kraja svog života.

“No, u svemu ovome ima grešaka koje su i do nas. Indolentnim ponašanjem prema svemu što se tamo desilo, ne možemo očekivati ništa bolje. Ne možemo očekivati da nam drugi rješavaju pitanja ako se sami ne uhvatimo u koštac s njima”, stava je Orić.

Pretresno vijeće Haškog tribunala djelomično je jučer prihvatilo Karadžićev zahtjev po pravilu 98 bis i donijelo oslobađajuću presudu po tački 1. optužnice, koja je bivšeg predsjednika Republike Srpske teretila za genocid u sedam bosanskohercegovačkih općina.

Drugi zahtjevi optuženog su odbijeni, tako da Karadžiću ostaje da izvodi svoje dokaze po ostalih 10 tačaka optužnice, uključujući i onu koja ga tereti za genocid u Srebrenici.